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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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The most important factor in the growth of Lviv at the end of the nineteenth century was the fact that it was a capital city, and this influenced its increased importance and development, and determined the locality of all of its public spaces. A major part in its development was played by the modernization and extension of the railway network as well as the construction of new railway stations and a rapid extension in tram lines and the creation of a sewage system. At that time, there was no clearly defined urban zones in Lviv, but many different areas that overlapped: representative, housing, and recreational, which were used simultaneously by different groups of the city’s inhabitants. Lviv’s development was stimulated by different social groups as their members constructed monumental and important public and private buildings, thus shaping its space. At the same time, however, they decided on the locality and size of newly erected buildings and their architectural form. The role of Lviv Municipality and the Galicia authorities was not dominant, being merely one of the city’s growth factors. It was related to the rapid development and enrichment of the city that was one of the greatest metropolises in Central Europe, a centre with modern urban planning and management, and infrastructure that was being still modernized. One of the distinguished features in Lviv’s public space was the formation of the largest and most representative architectural complexes in the Polish lands. One of these was an axis starting at the Municipal Theatre with Adam Mickiewicz’s monument and ending at Catholic Bernardines church. Slightly earlier was the complex of the so-called Governor’s Ramparts with some representative buildings. Another was the layout of monuments on Akademicka Street together with the surroundings of the Galician Sejm sessions hall and the numerous monumental buildings in neighbouring streets. These spaces proved to be surprisingly durable: at the end of the nineteenth century they already dominated like the representative avenues, and after 150 years they still dominate the city’s space.
The most important task faced by Edward Gierek in December 1970, after taking up the position of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, was to calm the situation in the country, and then to legitimize his power. One of the elements of this process was a change in the pension insurance system. The integration of “social issues” into the program of the new Polish authorities was approved by the Soviet leadership headed by Leonid Brezhnev during Edward Gierek and Piotr Jaroszewicz’s visit to Moscow on 5 January 1971. During the first two years of Gierek’s rule the significant changes in this system were made. The most important included: the increase of the lowest pensions, adoption of the so-called Teacher Card (April 1972) with beneficial changes in the social security system, Social Security Law for artisans (June 1972), and the decree on retirement of the political and state management and members of their families (October 1972). There was also a discussion held about decreasing of the retirement age. These moves, however, did not improve significantly the material situation of the majority of pensioners.
Mühimme defters have a special place among all the archival material inherited from the Ottoman Empire. Recording copies of the decisions made in the Imperial Council, the highest administrative organ of the state, these defters contain important information not only about the domestic affairs of the Empire but also about its foreign policy. This study examines the relations between the Crimean Khanate and the Polish-Lithuanian State as reflected in mühimme defters from 1551 to 1584. Border disputes, annual payments made or not made by Poland to the Crimean Khanate, diplomatic relations, exchange of ambassadors, and the residence of Alp Giray and Selamet Giray in Poland were some of the main issues reflected in mühimme defters. <br>
The multi-ethnic regions of the Habsburg Monarchy became increasingly perceived as places of instability and insecurity after the rise of competing national movements in the mid-nineteenth century. The antagonism between local national elites culminated after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, as all pursued a course aimed at securing a favourable position. As actors of security, the local elites often and typically declared themselves and their respective nations to be existentially threatened and therefore with a legitimate claim to survive the challenges brought on by modern times. To investigate the security dilemmas of the local elites in two different regions of Austria-Hungary – namely in three city municipalities in Bács-Bodrog county in Southern Hungary; and in Vas, Sopron and Moson counties in western Hungary – this study combines methods of historical discourse analysis with approaches taken from security and nationalism studies as well as regional and local history.
The musical culture of sixteenth-century Breslau (Wrocław) was cultivated primarily in the Church and school communities, which formed a mutually complementary system of connections since the introduction of the Reformation in the city. Since Philip Melanchthon played an extremely active part in shaping both these domains, the question about his infl uence on the functioning of Breslau musical centres seems justified. The answer to this question can be found through an analysis of his writings, related both to the issue of the perception of the art of sound and the musical practice followed in the Evangelical churches and schools of the city.
The musical milieu of Lwów in the first half of the twentieth century was characterised by dynamic activities of women, particularly as music school students, which was the reverse of the situation prevailing in the other schools – particularly, tertiary schools. This fostered the female students’ keen interest in musicology, especially that Musicology was launched as a new major at the local university in 1912. Bronisława Wójcik-Keuprulian was its first graduate ever (in 1917). In 1934, she was the first woman in the history of Polish science to receive a post-doctoral degree (so-called habilitation) in Musicology at a Polish university. This was accompanied by multiple complications, including those caused by the Head of the Chair of Musicology. Yet, the applicant’s resolve brought about a successful end.
Mydlach P., Gabinet Aleksandra Prystora (27 V 1931 – 9 V 1933), w: Studia z historii społeczno-gospodarczej XIX i XX wieku, t. I, red. W. Puś, Łódź 2003.
National military units appeared in Bolshevik Russia already during the so–called October Revolution and predominantly the period known as the “Civil War” or the “Struggle against the Counter–Revolution”. It is highly probable that upon this stage in the history of Bolshevik Russia the existence of such armies was supposed to bolster the self–esteem of the vanquished nations and their elites and to preserve the mistaken conviction that Red Russia respected their right to self–determination and was devoid of imperial or Russification leanings. These armies, based on voluntary recruitment and during the winter even disbanded, resembled rather a Red militia, not to mention a commonplace gang. Nonetheless, the application of a national rhetoric made it easier to conceal the true Bolshevik targets, i.e. the reconstruction and even the expansion of the former tsarist Empire. It seems worthwhile to draw attention to a certain continuum of the Russian/Soviet or Putinesque line pursued by the Russian state and a strategic scheme planned at least decades ahead, regardless of its provenance. Today, the counterpart of the ”national” armies and governments involves ”independent” separatists and their military and political structures as well as long ago devised models of conduct (elections, plebiscites, rhetoric suitable for a presentation of arguments, etc.). Hence an analysis of former military–political conceptions may well serve contemporary objectives.
National monuments were one of the most important factors that shaped representative, elegant urban spaces in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and as such, they enjoyed spectacularly dynamic growth at that time. Even though they had existed since antiquity in the form of sculptural and architectural work, they began to take on a new meaning in the period of the formation of new nations and nation-states. However, the forms of monuments established in the early modern period could not respond to the challenge posed by the scale of urban planning of the nineteenth century. What was also important for the development of new monumental forms and the transformation of old ones was the problem of the emergence of a new visual language that made it possible to communicate with a broad audience. In these circumstances, experiments with forms were undertaken in order to create a new formula of monument that would be able to meet both the challenge of creating a new type of dominant structure within an urban space, and the new needs of communication with the audience. Even though a majority of national monuments created in the nineteenth century had the traditional form of a figurative monument, the art of monuments became an area of highly interesting artistic experiments. The crowning achievement of dynamic and varied development of monumental forms in the nineteenth century was a large architectural layout in which monuments were but an element of the complex whole, and the monumental functions were also performed by architectural objects which in a strict sense were not monuments.
The nature of the relation between city and countryside in medieval Italy was unique by comparison with the rest of Europe. Precisely for this reason, the question has drawn the attention of historiography, particularly starting in the early twentieth century, with the scholarship of Gaetano Salvemini and Gioacchino Volpe, and especially Romolo Caggese, the author of Classi e comuni rurali nel Medio Evo italiano (Rural classes and city communes in the Italian Middle Ages). This work long stood as a critical touchstone: it did so at least until the 1960s, when a new historiographical season set in – with monographs, essays, and conference proceedings – that gave us a much richer frame of understanding, while opening a larger debate on the question, which to this day remains a central concern of historiographical investigation.
Nałęcz T., Niemoc herosa. Ostatnie lata Józefa Piłsudskiego, w: Od Piłsudskiego do Wałęsy. Studia z dziejów Polski w XX wieku, red. K. Persak i in., Warszawa 2008.
The Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń played an essential role in the process of democratic transformation during the early period of the ‘Solidarity’ movement. It was here that the first movement of so-called horizontal structures started, which dominated the University Commit-tee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. The university community could exert pressure – through the University Committee ‘Solidarity’ or the Independent Students’ Association – on the authorities to fulfil the freedom demands. Threats to security imposed by the ongoing democratisation processes were monitored by the security apparatus, and the reports were analysed by the party leadership. The purpose of the article is to present the reaction of the voivodeship authorities to the security threats which, seen from their perspective, resulted from the democratic changes taking place at the Nicolaus Copernicus University during the first ‘Solidarity’ period.
The non-aggression declaration signed by Poland and Germany on 26 January 1934 opened a new chapter in mutual relations. It did not, however, mean a political alliance since Warsaw refused the participation in the Anti-Comintern Pact. Nevertheless, in 1935 the Polish and German security forces entered into secret cooperation to exchange information on the activities of the communist movement.
November 1936 saw the blockade of the University of Warsaw, an occupational strike organised by far-right students demanding the introduction of the so-called ‘ghetto benches’ for Jewish students. This article draws a social portrait of the ordinary participants in the blockade and analyses their motivations. I argue that the socialisation of youth into exemplary citizens of a modern nation-state created a fertile ground for far-right organisations and their demands. Moreover, the largest student association, the Fraternal Aid Society, became a space for self-organisation into extreme nationalist politics. Its leaders tapped into the positive motivations of youth, i.e. the search for a sense of belonging and the desire of individuals to fit into the normative order of the community. My examination of the blockade offers a unique insight into the academic background of the far-right and its means of political mobilisation. <br>
The object of this article is the contents of the notes of Elias Maior, a rector of St. Elizabeth’s gymnasium in Wrocław, made in the consecutive 1640–1669 Schreibkalenders. They constitute a rich source documenting everyday life of Wrocław’s humanistic elite. Of particular interest, among the rector’s accounts, are numerous references to music performed, both in public and in private domain.
The officer core of the Prison Guard (Straż Więzienna, SW), a formation established only as late as 1932, emerged from the narrow circle of persons associated with the Prison Section, which emerged in 1918. Its membership consisted of a small cadre of Polish guards who had gained experience in prisons controlled by the occupying powers. Unless they had worked in prisons before 1918, the rank-and file of the SW consisted of demobilised and/or retired soldiers as well as of would-be or ex-policemen. ‘Street people’ in many cases, they treated the work as temporary or took it up as an easy job. The reality they faced on the other side of the wall quickly verified their convictions about the task they had accepted. As a result, the ranks of the SW were given to heavy rotation, evident up to 1939. Employees of the interwar prison system did not enjoy much public regard; for some, leaving the army to become a prison guard felt like social degradation. Aside from a few minor exceptions – such as prison breaks, stories of convict abuse – this peculiar group of workers was generally absent from the public narrative of the re-established state. Naturally, its problems were debated among experts, but these debates did not seep into the press as often as those concerning the police. For many years after 1918, the SW continued to be perceived through the nineteenth century image of the guard as watchman, a personification of the oppressive partition governments. SW functionaries associated with the labour union established in 1932 as well as the Przegląd Więziennictwa Polskiego (Polish Penal Review) magazine took up the daunting task of improving that image. The article provides an analysis of their efforts, attempting a response whether their goals were achieved, at least to a degree. My focus is on the public perception of the formation, while I also try to establish whether its foundation and development was perceived as a success (as was the case, for instance, with the police). My interests, however, are not limited to the media and public image of the SW corps, but also include the conditions under which its members laboured. In this context, I am particularly interested in the realities of the prison corridor; in the article, I attempt to describe the tenor of the relations between guards and prisoners in contemporary prisons (especially the prevailing aggression). Finally, I pursue a reconstruction of the image/s of the SW created by convicts, with particular focus on the significance of the change associated with the year 1918. My analysis leads to somewhat pessimistic conclusions. The major changes involved in the professionalization of the cadres and partial implementation of the prison reform that also affected the SW do not appear to have been satisfactory. Attempts to dismantle stereotypes of the guards could only achieve limited success, and the SW remained a formation of thoroughly dubious quality.
Olstowski P., Generał Gustaw Orlicz-Dreszer (1889–1936). Dowódca wojskowy i działacz społeczno-polityczny, Toruń 2000.
On 1 February 1916, during the German occupation of Warsaw, the City Militia was formed in Warsaw under the agreement between the President of the Civic Committee of the City of Warsaw Prince Zdzisław Lubomirski and the President of the Imperial German Police Ernst von Glasenapp. The City Militia was established as a professional and paid Polish security police in the city, subordinated to the German authorities. The Militia was headed by Prince Franciszek Pius Radziwiłł. The City Militia carried out tasks related to order in Warsaw’s streets, supervised economic matters as well as construction and sanitary issues of the city.
On 14 September 1514, in the vicinity of the town of Orsha, the combined Lithuanian-Polish forces defeated the Muscovian army. Among many texts commemorating the battle are maps published between 1526 and the mid-seventeenth century. The author argues that each cartographical representation of the battle can be interpreted as an example of Renaissance politics of memory. The struggle could be an element of the Jagiellonian dynastic propaganda, an argument in the competition between the Lithuanian Ruthenia and Muscovy, a fragment of the republican discourse or a part of narration about the great past of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. <br>
On 25 October 1642, Adam Fister, a Cracow merchant, reported to the local justice that the Lübeck tradesman Casper Bekman had recurred to magical practices with the help of the witch he visited at the Spital Garden, behind the city walls, near St Florian’s Gate. Next to the Spital, serving as an almshouse, there was a cemetery with the graves discovered in 1837. They were groundlessly connected with the Polish Brethren, and this false interpretation has its continuation today in the name of Arian St., down-town Cracow. In fact, the hospital and the graveyard belonged to the local Lutheran congregation, and the Cracow merchants whose opinions Fister recalled at the court were its members.
On 28 August 1953 at the village Okół in the Kielce region a rebellion broke out against the delimitation and ploughing with tractors of a large plot of land which was to be farmed jointly within a newly created cooperative. Its participants actively stood up against representatives of the local authorities and supporters of the cooperative. Some of them were beaten up, and the tractors that were ploughing the apportioned plot of land were damaged. The revolt resulted in in arrests, detentions and lawsuits of its most active participants. A special role in this rebellion was played by women, who were attacking the organisers of the cooperative. Research has revealed that this unusually large participation of women in the anti-collectivisation resistance was not only a Polish specificity. Its traditions reach back to the women’s revolts against the creation of cooperatives in the USSR that escalated in 1929–1930. Women were especially active in anti-collectivisation rebellions in some other Eastern European countries after 1948 (Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania). There are among the forms and strategies of the peasant resistance against collectivisation some which were more often used by women than by men. This “gender of the resistance” was expressed by an exceptionally emotional reaction to all the forms and manifestations of the policy against the Church, by the use of religious rituals and their instruments (singing, saints’ images, processions) in the fight against collectivisation, inclinations to use particular tools associated with the role played by women in the rural life. There is evidence to suggest that the authorities were less inclined to victimize women fighting in the revolt than men.
On 7 February 1911, a resolution of the National Council established the Press and Information Office in Rome, which was a branch of the French Agence Polonaise de Presse. Head of the Agence was appointed Maciej Loret, a historian from Lwow and longtime member of the Rome Expedition of the Polish Academy of Learning in Kraków. Thanks to Loret’s efforts, the Italian public opinion as well as political and cultural circles got to know the Polish question, and the contacts he established with the press, academic institutions and the parliamentary world enabled a more effective propaganda campaign during the Great War.
On 8 September 1968, Ryszard Siwiec set fi re to himself during a harvest festival in the 10th Anniversary Stadium in Warsaw. Through his self-immolation, he sought to protest against Communist rule in general and the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in particular. However, his death did not gain wider attention. Further protests ‘by fi re’ took place in the subsequent months and years in East Central Europe. Among them was the self-immolation by the Czech student Jan Palach in Prague. In contrast to Siwiec, this young man was immediately recognized as a martyr in Czechoslovakia as well as on the other side of the Iron Curtain. It was only after 1989 that Ryszard Siwiec’s story became increasingly well-known. Today, his act still remains in the shadow of Palach’s, however. This article deals with the marginal position of Siwiec in the Polish national pantheon. By reflecting on the various constraints on creating martyrs in state and post-socialism, it focuses on one particular aspect of Polish and Czech – or rather Polish-Czech – memory politics. As for the ‘Polish Palach’ Ryszard Siwiec, the paper demonstrates that Czechs have played a crucial role in popularizing him.
On July 7th 1914, the British government requested general Louis Botha to take over the German radio transmitters in Lüderitz and Swakopmund. The German forces, unable to withhold the attack any longer, surrendered on July 9th 1915. The government in Berlin, realised that winning Southwest Africa back, might prove impossible, regardless of the course of the war in Europe. By the same token, the future of the German diamond companies, united in a consortium called Diamantenregie since 1909, depended on the developing political constellation in the Union of South Africa. Since 1915, German authorities have launched a subtle diplomatic game aimed at winning the support of the South African elites and the public opinion of the country. The neutral Netherlands were the main stage of this long–term post–war policy. Due to the historical connections to South Africa, the Netherlands played an important role as a cultural and political mediator. Some members of the Dutch elites — writers, journalists, politicians — still held the pro– Boer and anti–English position when WWI broke out. This position encouraged the involvement of the Dutch elites in the German incentives regarding cultural propaganda. This paper offers insights into the so far unpublished correspondence of the main actors of the contemporary field of German propaganda. The main person under investigation is Johannes Visscher, a Dutch journalist and expert on South Africa. As editor of the journal Hollandsch Zuid– Afrika, published by Nederlandsch Zuid–Afrikaansche Vereniging (NZAV), Visscher was employed by the German diplomatic services in the years 1915–1918. As part of the activities financed by Reichskolonialamt, Visscher shaped the image of Germany in the South African press and the pro–German image of South Africa in the Dutch press.
On the example of Pomerania, the article presents the questions related to the shaping of political relations within the Second Republic of Poland and mechanisms which governed politics at the regional level. In early 1920, after almost 150 years of belonging to the Prussian (German) State, the largest part of this province returned to Poland, and this fact meant that in many spheres of social life the Pomeranian Voivodeship witnessed the processes reflecting national and regional problems. This was especially evident in the sphere of politics.
One may consider the two monuments situated on the hill of Mont Valérien nearParis – Memorial of Fighting France (1960) and Monument to those shot at Mont Valerién(2003) – as material representation of evolution in the social perception of years 1940–1944taking place in France, which is the main topic of the article. While the fi rst of them symbolizesthe epic narrative centered on the Résistance and the cult of heroism, the second one refers tothe so far overlooked, traumatic aspects of war and occupation, focusing on the victims.
One of the consequences of Russia’s defeat in the Crimean War (1853–1856) was the visible political revival in the Kingdom of Poland. Numerous patriotic and religious demonstrations in the early 1860s forced the Russian authorities to seek ways to stop Polish political aspirations, forexample, by imposing military and police rule. The first attempts to introduce martial law in the Kingdom of Poland and a state of siege in Warsaw were undertaken in March 1861 by Governor Mikhail Gorchakov. <br>
One of the consequences of World War II was a massive scale of destruction of the material space. Devastated buildings, streets, sewage systems, contaminated rivers, plagues of rats, mice, flies or bedbugs had a powerful impact on the sanitary situation of the following decades. Dirt and filth omnipresent in the public space (offices, schools, kindergartens, hospitals, stations etc.) began to be regarded in the mid-1950s as serious social problem posing a serious threat for health of the Polish people, already injured and weakened by the war and post-war epidemics. The present article attempts to answer the questions about the sanitary conditions and their changes throughout the 1950s and 1960s in Polish towns and cities. What were the problems most troubling people (and local authorities) and what were the changes in health consciousness and hygienic habits of Poles? The study also poses the question of how much legal regulations on hygiene and disciplining practices (among others, compulsory vaccination, inspections of institutions and places of work, penal sanctions) influenced the change of sanitary conditions of the country.
One of the medieval trials by ordeal, the cold water ordeal, regained popularity in the Early Modern Period and served as an important element in witchcraft trials. Floating on water was seen as a decisive proof of guilt and resulted in the accused being handed over to the torturer. This paper discusses the use of the water ordeal in Poland in the 16 th-18th century, primarily by municipal courts. Among the issues mentioned in the paper there is also the question of the stage of the trial in which the water ordeal was used and whether the accused were undressed before being subjected to the ordeal.
One of the medieval trials by ordeal, the cold water ordeal, regained popularity in the Early Modern Period and served as an important element in witchcraft trials. Floating on water was seen as a decisive proof of guilt and resulted in the accused being handed over to the torturer. This paper discusses the use of the water ordeal in Poland in the sixteenth–eighteenth century, primarily by municipal courts. Among the issues mentioned in the paper there is also the question of the stage of the trial in which the water ordeal was used and whether the accused were undressed before being subjected to the ordeal.
One of the most characteristic features of the martial law in Poland was the internment of citizens by the arbitrary decision of the authorities, and also detention and conviction of people who infringed the draconian laws imposed on 13 December 1981. The number of internees fluctuated between the imposition of martial law to the date it was suspended in December 1982, which closed the possibility of interning people. Still, however, strict laws were in force, aimed against civil freedoms, which ‒ after martial law was lifted ‒ were introduced into the Civil Code.
One of the most important social and economic problems in 1945–89 turned out to be excessive drinking and alcoholism. The article presents an analysis of the structure and scale of the alcohol consumption, the significance of the spirit monopoly for the state economy, attempts to counteract the effects of alcohol drinking and abuse, social mechanisms of excessive alcohol consumption, the phenomenon of drinking alcohol without occasion and at work, and the attitudes of Poles towards drinking and alcoholism.
Organisation and functioning of the Polish consular service after the end of the World War II were based on the pre-war laws to be replaced in time with new norms and new structures of the consular service, both within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Poland and abroad. Functions performed by Polish consular posts in 1945–1949, apart from standard administrative and official ones, consisted mainly in caring for Polish citizens, repatriation and re-emigration operations, registration of war damages, and actions aiming at gaining the Polonia.
Originating in nineteenth-century scientism, the effort to control and transform nature was an important part of the communist ideology. This article deals with the implementation of the Stalinist plan for the transformation of nature in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary.
Over the years, the picture of the oldest history of a Cistercian monastery at Schmölln/Pforta (1132) was modified and changed. A foundation tradition in its general from took shape in the first half of the thirteenth century under the impact of a dispute with the bishopric of Naumburg. The purpose of the article is to trace various versions of the Pforta monastery genesis in the source documents issued at the monastery between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries
Owing to the political breakthrough of Polish October 1956, Mieczysław Rakowski was given a chance for unusual career. A young and smart apparatchik tied himself to the political line of Władysław Gomułka and decided to leave the central apparatus of the Polish United Workers’ Party. He accepted the post of deputy editor-in-chief of the Polityka weekly and implementing the guidelines of his chiefs, became involved in the campaign against journalists demanding a liberalisation of the system. When, at the turn of the 1950s, already as Polityka’s editor-in-chief, he was building a modern magazine for the intelligentsia, unexpectedly he himself became a liberal. Such opinion had an impact on his whole career. Rakowski’s liberalism, however, was not only a matter of his own choice, but also it was forced by the increasingly strict policy taken by the Party’s leaders. In the ‘Small Stabilisation’ period, Rakowski systematically strengthened his political and social status, while at the same time he fought against ‘partisans’ whose mentality and opinions he did not in the least share. Gradually he was getting more and more disillusioned with the reality of the system he was operating in, but did not decide to resign from his career. Finally, in 1968 he lost his faith in Gomułka and backed Edward Gierek; thanks to that move he escaped unscathed from the tight bend Poland entered into in December 1970.
The paper aims to organise the issues concerning the great variety of manuscripts jointly described as the “election prophecy,” supposedly made by Georg Joachim Rheticus. The author proposed to apply a model showing how the original text of the “prophecy,” the autograph of which has not been preserved to this day, underwent contamination and interpolation after being introduced into manuscript circulation through correspondence and numerous copies, while at the same time serving as the basis for the creation of vernacular traditions of the text. These processes are depicted in source materials annexed to the paper, containing editions of accounts in Latin, Polish, and German.
The paper aims to organise the issues concerning the great variety of manuscripts jointly referred to as the “election prophecy”, supposedly made by Georg Joachim Rheticus. The author proposed to apply a model showing how the original text of the “prophecy”, the autograph of which has not been preserved to this day, underwent contamination and interpolation after being introduced into manuscript circulation through correspondence and numerous copies, while at the same time serving as the basis for the creation of vernacular traditions of the text. These processes are depicted in source materials annexed to the paper, containing editions of the Latin, Polish and German variants of the text.
The paper attempts to identify the period when the Polish ecclesiastical province started keeping ordained priests’ registers, and to determine the chancellery form of the oldest lists. For this purpose, four previously unpublished records are discussed, which could be identified as fifteenth-century lists of candidates for ordination. The first was preserved in the manuscript kept at the Jagiellonian Library under the reference number of 143 III, while three others were found in 2015 among the documentation of the Gniezno consistory and are now stored in the collection of the Archdiocesan Archive in Gniezno. The article is supplemented with a critical edition of the presented lists.
The paper contains research results into the functioning of transportation and communication in the conditions of the severe and long winter of 1946–1947. The first part of the text presents the dynamic weather changes. The central paragraphs of the paper demonstrate findings concerning road, railway, and waterways transportation during the first three months of 1947, including the activities to maintain the land routes’ traffic flow and the access to the seaports. The chosen examples made it possible to present the severe winter’s impact on the state’s functioning and everyday life.
The paper deals with contacts between Polish King and Lithuanian Grand Duke Stefan Báthory (1576–86) and the Serbian monks from Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos. The contacts are presented based on a model letter found in the letter-writing manual from the Hilandar Archive (no. 153). The monks asked Báthory for the introductory and travel letters for their journey to Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where they would search for new benefactors [ktetors] and financial assistance from the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians. The model letter, supported by other written sources, also sheds light on the general characteristics of contacts with Catholic Polish-Lithuanian authorities and other rulers who mediated intercultural relations between the Ruthenian Orthodox Church and the Serbian (and Balkan in general) monastic milieus. These relations had a special significance for the group (confessional-cultural) identity of the Ruthenian Orthodox Christians and their tradition in the Counter-Reformation climate due to the proselytic policy and polemical attacks in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. <br>
The paper discusses the Polish Catholic Church’s ambiguous contribution to the public debate on settling accounts with the Polish-Jewish wartime past. The Church is an actor of right-wing historical politics, which casts Poles in the role of the primary victims of the war but is reluctant to speak out on the Shoah. The growing scholarly interest in the dark chapters in the history of Catholic-Jewish relations, which brings to light the Church’s institutional and symbolic responsibility for its attitude towards the persecuted Jewish community, has not translated directly into greater visibility of the issue in the mainstream media. However, the Church’s ceremonial indifference towards the memory of the Shoah is not resistant to changes in the historiography of the Shoah. The Church’s stance in the debate on the memory of the Shoah insufficiently recognises its position about the Jewish tragedy. On the other hand, it includes the actions undertaken by Father Wojciech Lemański and Bishop Rafał Markowski to commemorate the Jewish victims. The recognition of this cleavage aligns with sociological analyses of axiological divisions in Polish society. <br>
The paper discusses the social and political situation in the Katowice Voivodeship in December 1970 after the announcement of the increase in food prices, prevention and order activities undertaken by the Citizens’ Militia (MO) and the security apparatus during the crisis and the reaction of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) to the growing agitation of society. Despite mounting tension, reinforced by the news of workers’ revolt in the cities of the Coast, the police forces effectively paralysed weak attempts to stir up strikes and demonstrations in the Katowice Voivodeship. Political changes in the PZPR leadership prevented the crisis from escalating. The attitudes of the region’s inhabitants were also infl uenced by: the strong position of the PZPR, the preventive arrest of nearly a thousand potential leaders of protests and riots, relatively good living conditions in the Katowice Voivodeship, and the divergent interests of various groups of the province’s population.
The paper discusses the transformations of memory caused by the preservation, removal or redefinition of memorials. These transformations indicate the competition between political and ideological views in Bulgarian society after 1989. Two cases are analysed: the deconstruction of Georgi Dimitrov’s already-empty mausoleum in 1999 and the Monument to the Soviet Army, still standing in Sofia. Both instances are significant indicators of power constellations, which, in the second case, also have a precise foreign policy dimension (relations with Russia). The periodically activated debates, especially concerning the Monument to the Soviet Army, indicate the absence of a coherent memory policy and general ambiguous attitudes in Bulgarian society towards the communist past.
The paper focuses on a monograph that was awarded a distinction in the 23rd edition of the Prof. Jerzy Skowronek Prize competition. Its author, Marinko Zekić, referring to the cultural, social and religious situation of Bosnia and Herzegovina has shown in a broad historical context the issue of functioning of the Muslims throughout the world in the past and presently. He undertook an attempt to answer the question whether the present changes are leading to an Islamisation of the Western world or rather to a modernisation of the Islamic world. To find an answer to these questions Marinko Zekić showed the reasons for mutual relations, their history and sketched their possible future consequences.
The paper focuses on the literary riddle written in the 16th century by Jan Kochanowski (Fraszki III 78), concerning an animal with one eye that is shot at with arrows without arrowheads. The answer to the riddle is still debated by exegetic researchers. The author discusses the answers proposed so far (firearm, a homosexual’s anus, a female anus, an outhouse), starting with detailed lexical analysis of the epigram. Having discussed the poetics of the Old Polish ambiguous ribald riddle (suggesting indecent associations, but leading to an innocent answer) and the differences in the perception of the female body in the 16th century and today, the author shows that the audience of the riddle in the times of Kochanowski reached the conclusion that the answer was a female vagina. This trivial solution still seems to be the most probable answer.
The paper focuses on the literary riddle written in the sixteenth century by Jan Kochanowski (Fraszki III 78), concerning an animal with one eye that is shot at with arrows without arrowheads. The answer to the riddle is still debated by exegetic researchers. The author discusses the answers proposed so far (firearm, a homosexual’s anus, a female anus, an outhouse), starting with detailed lexical analysis of the epigram. Having discussed the poetics of the Old Polish ambiguous ribald riddle (suggesting indecent associations, but leading to an innocent answer) and the differences in the perception of the female body in the sixteenth century and today, the author shows that the audience of the riddle in the times of Kochanowski reached the conclusion that the answer was a female vagina. This trivial solution still seems to be the most probable answer.
The paper focuses on the official coverage in the governmental Polish press – “Gazeta Rządowa Królestwa Polskiego” – of the contents of the key treaties concluded between Russia and China in the 1850s. In an introduction a general situational background is shown. The second part of the paper refers to the provisions of the Treaty of Kulja (5 July 1851), then focuses on the description of the Treaty of Aigun (28 May 1858), which is followed by the Treaty of Tianjin (13 June 1858). All that is concluded by a presentation of Russian interpre¬tation of intentions behind the signing of the treaties.
The paper focuses on the way in which the authors of Polish Catholic and Evangelical catechisms of the 16th century understood and explained of the idea of the Church. According to the decrees of the Council of Trent, the Catholic Church was presented as the continuator of the teachings of the Apostles, with its power deriving from the authority of the Pope, the successor of Peter, and unity of faith confirmed by miracles. Protestant theologists preach about the visible church, which exists wherever the pure Word of God is preached, and claim that sacraments are administered in accordance with the Gospel. The universal invisible Church exists alongside the visible Church. It connects every person following the Christ, who is the only head of his Church.
The paper is a critical review of Przemysław Urbańczyk’s monograph on Mieszko I, but rather than being a systematic discussion of the whole work, it focuses on those issues discussed in the book, which concern the relations between archaeology and history. Fragments basing exclusively on archaeological research are considered the most valuable by the author, whereas he is more critical about those parts which are based on the on interpretation of written sources. He postulates that such works, relating to both archaeology and history, should be created in close cooperation between representatives of both disciplines.
The paper is aimed to present selected nineteenth-century theories about the origin of Muslims living in Bulgarian lands and to confront them with the present state of knowledge. The paper also presents concepts regarding two ethnic groups: the Bulgarian-speaking Muslims (the so-called Pomaks) and Turks.
The paper is devoted to the theoretical and practical aspects of local self-government institutions in non-democratic countries. Generally, such countries persistently avoid decentralisation and the strengthening of local authorities. Nevertheless, they make efforts that aim to reform and reshape these institutions. In the paper, theoretical establishments are confronted with the case of the Republic of Belarus. After becoming an independent state, the government undertook efforts to introduce local self-government; however, shortly after the President of Belarus election, Alexander Lukashenko reversed this trend. In the following years, Belarus evidenced recentralisation and optimisation of the weak local governments. The main goal of these changes was to include local bodies in the policy of central authorities. The paper also presents general conclusions and recommendations concerning possible future decentralisation.
The paper ponders over the issue of memory and urban space. It shows how these categories have been discussed in the literature and how they are connected to the problem of place identity. The paper also highlights the need to appreciate and assess the physical aspect of objects, which act as memory markers in the urban space. The author argues that what is being memorialised and conveyed as meaning is the past lived experience. As a case in point, two memory acts are analysed in the paper, clearly showing the interdependence of various temporalities in the anniversary celebrations. In the festivities celebrating the 100th (in 1881) and 150th (in 1931/2) anniversaries of the consecration of the Lutheran church in Warsaw, the capital of the Kingdom of Poland in the Russian partition and later the capital of a resurrected independent Polish state after 1918, the different present-oriented needs were mirrored in the narratives and commemorations of the past. Idiosyncratic visions of the past help make the small and vulnerable community of Lutherans in an otherwise primarily Roman Catholic environment more coherent, as its members may lay claim to history and construct and stabilise their identification process as descendants of past generations. Moreover, the material fabric of the church seems to be an indispensable factor. The parishioners’ lived experience appears to be a crucial component of commemorations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
The paper presents Jan Stroiński’s carnival songs, which were known to the old-time historians and now are considered lost. They were found in Andrzej Lubieniecki’s silva (Remonstrants’ Library in Rotterdam, MS 527, pp. 682-691). They are entitled “Shrovetide songs” there and are accompanied by a description of circumstances of creation thereof (in Lithuania, in Łostaje, in madam Koszkielowa’s house, in 1650). The cycle consists of six works written in eight-syllable verse, in preacher-like rhetoric. The paper presents the review of their subjects and citations of selected fragments.
The paper presents Shrovetide songs by Jan Stoiński, known among past historians but in the recent times believed to be lost. They were discovered in Andrzej Lubieniecki’s silva rerum (manuscript of the Remonstrant Library 527, p. 628-691), where they appear under the title Pieśni mięsopustne[“Carnival Songs”]. The circumstances surrounding the creation of the work are described as well (it was written in Łostaje estate, Lithuania, in the house of Mrs. Koszkielowa in 1650). The cycle is composed of six pieces written in octosyllabic verse and preacher-like rhetorical form. The paper provides a review of their thematic content and citations of selected fragments.
The paper reconstructs the history of the text entitled „Facies perturbatae et afflictae Reipublicae”, written in 1564 by Jan Dymitr Solikowski, a secretary to Sigismundus Augustus, King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania. Research focuses on its origin, publication history, the causes of its attribution to Stanisław Orzechowski and the connections between this text and Orzechowski’s works. The historical and philological analyses presented in the article made it possible to speculate on how the studied text functioned within the broadly understood Polish nobles’ ideology and how its various nterpretations were associated with political phenomena from the text’s creation until the 1630s.
The paper reviews a new book by Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska, underlining its well-drawn conclusions and other strong points but criticising some of its flaws, including the quasi-Orientalist way of describing the social context in which democracy in India and Pakistan is functioning. <br>
The participation of the SS-Sonderregiment Dirlewanger in the pacification of the Warsaw Uprising is one of the many unresolved problems relating to the events that took place from August to October 1944 in Warsaw. The purpose of this article is to present the most recent state of research on the actions of this controversial German unit during the first days of the German pacification, i.e. during the Wola Massacre (Genocide Wola 44).
Partisan units of the post-war independence underground in Poland carried out various armed actions. In most of them, there was one common element, i.e. taking weapons from the enemy. It caused at least a short-term hindrance to the activity of communist for-mations (e.g. a severe paralysis of Civic Militia posts in 1945 and 1946) but, above all, the acquisition of weapons and ammunition, which were indispensable for the activity of every guerrilla unit. In this respect, the situation of the detachments operating in the post-war period was all the more diffi cult because they could not count on weapons from airdrops, as during the German occupation. <br>
Patriotic poetry referring to history indicates the relationship between events from the past and the present, and at the same time interprets them. This role was fulfilled by the literary works of the poetic group formed within the Second Polish Corps during World War II and the first post-war years. The group took up topics based on the war experiences of the of poets, such as exile, wandering and soldiery life, inscribing them into the literary tradition and experiences of earlier generations fighting for independence.
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