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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ LITERACKICH POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAWCZY LEŚNICTWA
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII DOŚWIADCZALNEJ IM. MARCELEGO NENCKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII SSAKÓW POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT CHEMII FIZYCZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT CHEMII ORGANICZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT FILOZOFII I SOCJOLOGII PAN
INSTYTUT GEOGRAFII I PRZESTRZENNEGO ZAGOSPODAROWANIA PAN
INSTYTUT HISTORII im. TADEUSZA MANTEUFFLA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT JĘZYKA POLSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT MATEMATYCZNY PAN
INSTYTUT MEDYCYNY DOŚWIADCZALNEJ I KLINICZNEJ IM.MIROSŁAWA MOSSAKOWSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT PODSTAWOWYCH PROBLEMÓW TECHNIKI PAN
INSTYTUT SLAWISTYKI PAN
SIEĆ BADAWCZA ŁUKASIEWICZ - INSTYTUT TECHNOLOGII MATERIAŁÓW ELEKTRONICZNYCH
MUZEUM I INSTYTUT ZOOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ SYSTEMOWYCH PAN
INSTYTUT BOTANIKI IM. WŁADYSŁAWA SZAFERA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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The 1335 foundation (chartering) of Kazimierz, the town situated beside Cracow, was a difficult venture as a group of settlers had to be brought from another strong urban centre. Owing to the memory of the rebellion led by alderman (vogt) Albert and due to the political situation, Casimir III the Great most probably sought assistance from the town of Sandomierz in an attempt to find an optimum solution. This supposition is confirmed by the fact that the king favoured the town after 1335 and, even more importantly, that the foundation charter and one of the first documents for the new commune were issued at Sandomierz. A close relationship between Sandomierz and Kazimierz is observable for the subsequent years.
The 1911 Chinese republican revolution (called Xinhai Revolution) was criticised as a bourgeois ‘unfi nished’ revolution, as no more than a dynastic revolution which toppled the Qing government, or even as ‘a sham’. Starting in the 1970s, several authors noticed that the republican revolutionary movement was weak and divided, and they appreciated the substantiality and importance of Qing’s reforms.
The 1960s in the US were marked by social and political activity of a young generation. It was evident in, among other things, expressive stressing of their own distinctiveness. The controversy over a small plot of land in Berkeley in May 1969 became their symbol. In thehot political atmosphere of California at the end of the 1960s the dispute about the People’s Park led to a failed attempt to resolve it by force with the use of law enforcement services, and the death of one of the protesters gave the conflict much broader character than a local controversy over an unused plot of land.
A breakthrough in perceiving the policy pursued by Chamberlain’s cabinet towards Germany took place in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in March and April of 1939 – after a closer cooperation with Great Britain began – but its origins should be looked for in the earlier period. The purpose of the article (based mainly on the archival search in the Warsaw’s Archives of Modern Records) is to outline the way of perceiving the British policy towards Germany – from the end of the Sudeten Crisis to the breaking of the Munich Pact – by the Polish diplomatic service of that time.
A breakthrough in the political activity of Władysław Konopczyński took place in 1922 and involved winning the seat of a parliamentary deputy from the Popular–National Union ticket. Subsequently, Konopczyński remained in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland during a whole term of office (1922–1927), frequently speaking about education and schools of higher learning, and presenting motions concerning copyright, a statue on the freedom of assembly, and, predominantly, the introduction of the numerus clausus at universities and polytechnics. In 1925–1939 Konopczyński became actively involved in a struggle against the Piłsudskiites and reacted to the May 1926 coup d’état in a series of press articles criticising both the Marshal and his supporters. This uncompromising stance earned him many enemies within the ruling circles. The political career pursued by Konopczyński was not long–lasting; in 1930 he failed in the election to the Senate, and five years later resigned from all political endeavours due to his disapproval of the dictatorial tendency within the National Party. On the eve of the Second World War Konopczyński was an adherent of the Front Morges political alliance.
A breakthrough moment in the history of Polish post-war architecture was the Council of Party’s Architects held in June of 1949, which was the first step to the introduction of socialist realism. The doctrine “proved out” to be an effective means of control over culture in the totalitarian state, but not an artistic one. It was an utopian idea and, although politically strong, it was philosophically and aesthetically weak. Architecture as the discipline of arts that enjoyed special interest of the authorities was under much pressure and mechanisms of control. It was argued that “the domains of architecture and urban planning needed to be deliberately managed by the party”. Thus, the command over creativity was exercised, architects were devoid of their pre-war status of artists, and their contacts with the West were limited. Yet, with the lapse of time, the influence of the party’s architects in the community grew weaker and weaker. A number of favourable opportunities to inspire ferment in the artistic communities presented when internal political and economic crises began, which in consequence led to the weakening of the Polish United Workers’ Party (Polish acronym: PZPR), and the struggle for power in the USSR after Stalin’s death. In fear of the loss of control, once more the party tightened its ideological grip on the artistic communities. The political leadership decided to force the pace of implementation of the doctrine, and increased their pressure on both the Association of Polish Architects and individual artists. Finally, a section of architecture was established at the Department of Culture and Education of the Central Committee of the PZPR. However, it was too late for such measures, as was ruthlessly exposed by the National Council of Architects in 1956, a part of the “Polish October” and a turning point in the post-war history of Polish architecture.
A detailed analysis of the correspondence of Gen. Mikhail N. Krechetnikov, who was the commander of the Russian army in the war of 1792 with the task to take over the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and support the Targowica confederates in establishing local confederations, gives new, important information about these events. First of all, it shows a signifi cant discrepancy between the information contained in the published reports of Gen. Krechetnikov to Empress Catherine II and Platon A. Zubov as well as in the unpublished and little-known part of his correspondence to Nikolai I. Saltykov.
A genealogy of the Sanguszko Family produced by Symeon Samuel Sanguszko (died 1638) has been preserved in three versions: the original and its two 18th-century copies. The work contains the fi liation of known and established manuscript texts, time of their creation, their purpose, and their archival and library history. Next, the sources of information are established: historical writings and the collective memory of the family, and based on this the historian’s craft of the author and the memory culture of his family are discussed. And fi nally, the importance of the genealogy for the Sanguszko Family’s identity and old-Polish genealogical studies is presented. The annex contains an edition of the genealogy text, reconstructed on the basis of old-Polish manuscripts and a nineteenth-century transcription of the original manuscript.
A group of “priests patriots”, initiated in 1949 by the authorities of communist Poland, was supposed to support the process of stabilisation of the country, both through propaganda and action. The priests-patriots did not employ their own ideology, but implemented within the community of clergy basic slogans and practices of Stalinist social engineering. They mobilised the faithful to execute the Six-Year Plan, propagated the fight for peace, collectivisation of agriculture, and praised the radical socio-economic changes that were occurring at that time. They used the rhetoric of enlightenment and progress, verbally accepted class struggle condemned by the Catholic social teachings. They did not directly comment on the subject of dogmas of the Catholic faith, but in fact, they subverted the precepts of the Church (first, they refused obedience to bishops, whom they considered to be the representatives of reaction). The formation was strictly supervised by the security apparatus and was generously financed (especially in 1950–1953, when the state was fighting an intense political war with the Church hierarchy and Primate Stefan Wyszyński).The article focuses its attention on the “priests patriots” from Greater Poland and Kuyavia provinces, since in comparison to the rest of the Polish clergy, they were most active and numerous (circa ten percent of all the religious in the region). The author substantiates that they were isolated from the Polish society and regarded critically by the rest of the clergy, almost ostracised as traitors. In 1955, the material and ideological support of the state for the group ceased, which led to its dissolution.
A major part of this article is based on recently rendered available sources from the SBU State Archives in Kyiv and reconstructs the last months in the life of Father Jerzy Moskwa (1910– 1941) — a Jesuit missionary and courier of Pius XIII and Metropolitan Andrzej Szeptycki (Andrey Sheptytsky). Arrested in January 1941 during his trip from the Vatican to Lviv, Father Moskwa was interrogated by the NKGB and invigilated by two co–inmates, whose detailed reports make it possible to expand knowledge about the methods and techniques applied by the Soviet services, the political and missionary plans of the Vatican involving the Soviet Union, and the infiltration of the Church in Eastern Galicia. Moreover, they comprise a study of a confrontation of the stand of a zealous Christian, represented by Father Moskwa, and Soviet mentality represented by Yevhen Hromovenko, former chief of the Intelligence of Soviet Ukraine, whom the Jesuit was converting in the cell to Christianity.
A military cooperation of Germany with the Soviet Union prior to 1933 still at-tracts lively interest of Polish historians, who – unfortunately – base their research almost solely on Polish and English sources and literature. This results in repetition and preservation of erroneous and false information. The purpose of the present study is to rectify various per¬sisting errors of the Polish literature, on the basis of materials collected in German archives, complemented by the information from German- and Russian-language publications and three publications of documents from Russian archives.
A new system of Polish-Lithuanian relations was shaped manly by the passivity of Poles inhabiting the eastern Lithuania in the plebiscite organised by the Lithuanian government on 9 February 1991, and a decision of the authorities of Vilnius and Šalčininkai (Polish: Sołeczniki) regions to hold a referendum, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, on the future of the Soviet Union to turn it into a new, loose confederation of states, which was not recognized by the Lithuanian authorities. Such an attitude of Lithuanian Poles was determined by several factors. Firstly, the Soviet social and economic structure; secondly, for a large part of people the old governments of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai districts and the memory of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic guaranteed stability and predictability. The soviet structures were more trusted than a newly introduced, not strong yet Lithuanian social and political order. The sense of threat was intensified by an unquestionable domination of Lithuanians on all levels of the new hierarchy. Social and political reforms were perceived by the Polish minority in Lithuania through the prism of a rule of the majority. For the rest of the Lithuanian society (except of the Russian minority) such an attitude was completely incomprehensible. In such complex geopolitical circumstances Poles from the regions of Vilnius and Šalčininkai decided to convene a congress of deputies of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai regions to Mostiškės. According to a project adopted at the Congress, the Vilnius district was to become “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit within the Lithuanian Republic”, with a broad political autonomy. In the opinion of Lithuanians, however, the region of Vilnius should not be “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit of the Lithuanian State”, but form a part of Lithuanian federation. This meant that the Poles wanted to enlarge the status of the Vilnius region and to strengthen its autonomy within Lithuania. The implementation of such a project would mean a decentralisation of the state. In a complex geopolitical situation of that time all attempts at the decentralisation of the country was regarded by the Lithuanian political elite as the threat of the security of the young Lithuanian state, its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
A presentation of an edition of an inspection of customs houses and tollgates in the voivodeship of Kalisz (1571). The published inspection was the outcome of a constitution passed by the Sejm of Lublin in 1569, which resolved, i.a. to supplement the results of an inspection conducted in the mid-1560s. Akt rewizorów ziemskich województwa kaliskiego has been a source familiar to historians from the time of Karol Buczek, who wrote about it in an introduction to an edition of a road inspection issued by Bożena Wyrozumska. A present the source is kept in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw together with other lustration material. This clean copy contains numerous information about the state of roads, environmental conditions, and neighbourly relations between members of the gentry in the discussed territory. The published inspectors’ document includes numerous copies of earlier privileges consenting to the collection of customs duties or tolls in the mentioned localities.
A presentation of the way in which the staff of the Polish Embassy in Rome observed preparations for the Second Vatican Council in 1958–1962. The text belongs to a current of research analysing the attitude of the communists towards the Catholic Church and relations between communist states and the Vatican. The author provides information about diplomats who obtained data concerning the Apostolic See and the titular preparations as well as their chief informers. He also indicated the cooperation between Polish diplomats and those of other communist countries regarding information exchange, joint policies vis a vis the See, and the participation in the Council of bishops from various member–countries of the Soviet sphere of influence. The article is based predominantly on material produced by the diplomatic service: dispatches, notes, reports, and analyses by the staff of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of Poland in Rome.
A preserved fragment of the Annals from the Benedictine abbey in Lubin (southern Greater Poland), and written probably at the turn of the twelfth century, contains five added notes in handwriting from the middle of the thirteenth century. All the notes pertain to the bishops of Poznań arranged into a complete sequence from 1146–1172. Comparisons of information found in the Annals with other sources show that the notes about the bishops and the dates included therein are basically credible (with one exception when the author of the added information mistook the succession of the bishops). In all likelihood, they originate from a non-extant catalogue of the bishops apparently kept at Poznań cathedral, similarly as in the case of a majority of other Polish dioceses. This was a so-called simple catalogue, recording only the names of the consecutive ordinaries as well as the dates of their ordinations and death. The Lubin Annals notes enable us to recreate a fragment from the midtwelfth century but the catalogue as such was probably written from the time of the restoration of the Poznań diocese (ca. 1075) and existed in the thirteenth century (when data were copied from it in Lubin); its loss can be associated with a destruction of Poznań cathedral, confirmed in 1313–1314.
A reflection on the functioning of care for children and adolescents in Poland after World War II is far from full in Polish historiography.Although the postulate to centralise social care, coordinate it and increase the state’s participation in it, was put forward as early as 1944, in 1945–1947 political circumstances made it impossible for social care to be subject of endeavours of the communists.In these post-war years, the actual care for children and young people was totally dominated by social organisations. Children and adolescents were placed mainly in 380 children’s homes run by nuns, which made 43% of the total number of children’s homes residents in Poland. The “successes” of the Polish authorities in their first year of rule were limited to the takeover of a few charity organisations that were allowed to exist under the German occupation of Poland: the Central Welfare Council (Polish: Rada Główna Opiekuńcza) and Polish Red Cross (Polski Czerwony Krzyż).The later “competition” of the Polish Socialist Party (Polish acronym: PPS) and Polish People’s Party (PSL), together with what we usually call “civic society” influenced the “minimalism” of political ideas of the Polish Workers’ Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza) about this sphere of social reality, reflected mainly in pushing for the principle to build nurseries and kindergartens and in distribution of founds through the two PPR’s “own” ministries: the Ministry of Industry and Ministry of Supply. The Ministry of Industry, led by a PPR’s strong man, Hilary Minc, together with the Ministry of Supply and Trade, headed by an another PPR member, Jerzy Sztachelski, were the most important tools in the communist realisation of social care modelled on the Soviet examples.When finally the state control became possible (1949–1950), a majority of social organisations (including the charity ones) was suppressed or integrated. Such was the fate of children and adolescents organisations: the Polish YMCA , Central Committee of Social Care (Centralny Komitet Opieki Społecznej), Society of Orphans’ Nests and Kościuszko’s Villages (Towarzystwo Gniazd Sierocych i Wiosek Kościuszkowskich), “Caritas” and tens of smaller ones.
A review of Peter Collmer’s book on the functioning of the Saxon administration of the royal estates in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between 1700 and 1763. It discusses some of the author’s theses and provides a critique of the modernisation model as applied to the early modern European state, drawing on the example of the noble Commonwealth in theeighteenth century. <br>
A rise of interest in issues of heredity and advances in medicine in the nineteenth century resulted in the widespread medicalization of social phenomena. Theories formulated in the field of natural sciences increasingly served as a tool to explain unacceptable patterns of social behaviour, including prostitution which began to be seen as a biologically determined condition. As a main channel for the spread of STDs – some of them potentially transmissible across generations (congenital syphilis) – prostitution became one of the major concerns of medical professionals. Thus, what was previously a sin and an insult to middle-class moral standards, now came to be seen as a health menace to the entire population. In times of increased competition between nation-states, the latter argument played an even more important role, and the ruling elites sought to tighten control over what they perceived as ‘dangerous bodies’. As campaigners against the ‘great social evil’ also analysed prostitutes’ social milieu, discourses on the causes of prostitution were highly confusing. One source of confusion was Morel’s theory of degeneration, in which the author skilfully combined environmental influence with the concept of hereditary pathology. Additionally, some authors still adhered to a much older explanation for social ills. The construction of an evil ‘Other’ – typically unscrupulous Jew – responsible for planting various physical and/or moral ‘plagues’ in a victimized population, thus threatening its biological existence. The fear of deterioration, inevitably leading to extinction, unified proponents of old-style and modernist anti-vice campaigners. This article offers an overview of expert narratives on the causes of prostitution in the early decades of twentieth century Poland.
A situation of Czechoslovakia in 1938 was very bad. Standing alone, Czechoslovakiatried at all cost to retain its sovereignty. The Germans and Italians, however, more and more certain that no other country would stand up for Prague, were showing themselves increasingly hostile towards Czechoslovakia. The diaries of Joseph Goebbels and Galeazzo Ciano make it possible for us to follow opinions about the future of the Czechoslovak state.
A statue on the Office for State Protection (Urząd Ochrony Państwa — UOP) was passed on 6 April 1990 upon a tide of transformations commenced by the Round Table debates held a year earlier. The implementation of this legal act is regarded as the date of the inauguration of shaping the special services of an independent Republic of Poland. The article attempts to describe the transformation of the communist state security organs — the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs — into a state protection service (such as the UOP). The characteristic feature of this process was its considerable dynamics, since in the course of only several months it achieved a formal conversion of the political police, which mainly combated the democratic opposition, into a social service whose domain of activity was totally different from that of its predecessor. The article called for an analysis of a process aiming at the establishment of new special services via a number of key formal–legal documents — the outcome of a sequence of political and organisational events. The sources on which the article is based are composed, first and foremost, of documents in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance, and in particular material describing the transformation of the SB into the UOP and the verification of the functionaries, conducted in the spring of 1990. Supplementary material originates from the archive of the Chancellery of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and legal acts pertaining to the described problem, i.a. laws, ordinances, and orders.
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