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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ LITERACKICH POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAWCZY LEŚNICTWA
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII DOŚWIADCZALNEJ IM. MARCELEGO NENCKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII SSAKÓW POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT CHEMII FIZYCZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT CHEMII ORGANICZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT FILOZOFII I SOCJOLOGII PAN
INSTYTUT GEOGRAFII I PRZESTRZENNEGO ZAGOSPODAROWANIA PAN
INSTYTUT HISTORII im. TADEUSZA MANTEUFFLA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT JĘZYKA POLSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT MEDYCYNY DOŚWIADCZALNEJ I KLINICZNEJ IM.MIROSŁAWA MOSSAKOWSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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SIEĆ BADAWCZA ŁUKASIEWICZ - INSTYTUT TECHNOLOGII MATERIAŁÓW ELEKTRONICZNYCH
MUZEUM I INSTYTUT ZOOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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Any record registered in municipal books is a result of many actions in the sphere of words and gestures, listened to, seen, watched, and finally transformed by the scribe into an official registration. The present article attempts to answer the question about the place occupied by writing in that world of theatrical gestures and set phrases.
The appointment in May 1920 of Col. Paweł Aleksandrowicz as military attaché at the Legation of the Republic of Poland in Tokyo seemed to be fully justifi ed and favourable from the perspective of interests of the state and the military forces. His dismissal – offi cially for fi nancial reasons – in fact resulted from a critical appraisal of his effectiveness and his confl ict with the head of the diplomatic post, which finally ended in bringing disciplinary, criminal, and honorary proceedings against Col. Aleksandrowicz
Archaeologists examining the residence of Daniel Romanovych on Cathedral Hill in Chełm (thirteenth century) enjoy a noteworthy opportunity to compare excavations data with the text of “Kronika halicko-wołyńska”(The Galician-Volhynian Chronicle). It is highly probable that at least some of the descriptions of places and objects in the “Chronicle” could have been first-hand. The article discusses the dilemmas of an archaeologist who, with assorted categories of data at his disposal, tries to confront them with a chronicler’s account.
The article brings to light the relationship between politics and social sciences in interwar Poland in its local and transnational dimensions. It explores the beginnings of expertise in ethnology and the evolution of the discipline’s tools and methods as closely linked to the political goals of the interwar Polish state, and the post-coup Sanacja [Sanation] regime in particular. Ethnologists carried out fieldwork focused on multiethnic territories, such as Eastern Galicia, which were subjected to international territorial disputes. The collaboration with politicians and the administration – developed mostly in the framework of research institutes – was a source of inspiration and, at the same time, stiff competition between scientific schools. To illustrate some consequences of this collaboration, the article traces an argument over scientific approaches to the ‘ethnic question’ which involved ethnologists and empirical sociologists, and the connection of this argument to the objectivity principle in science. These different approaches reflect international theoretical and epistemological divisions at the time as much as they show the direct and indirect exchange of ideas within the European scholarship.
The aristocratic titles, which the partitioning monarchies granted to some of their Polish noble subjects in the long nineteenth century, did not play a decisive role in the development and formation of the modern Polish noble elite. The foreign titles could only sanction the internal noble hierarchy, which was apparently much more determined by specific noble traditions and the cult of the pre-partition past. This argument is evidenced by the cases of families which did not need formal title grants to be recognized as truly aristocratic in that period.
The article addresses the conflict in the Agricultural Facility at Lubogóra, part of the Świebodzin Agricultural Conglomerate in the Zielona Góra Voivodeship. It was one of the most widely known and last confl icts between the state authorities and the Solidarity Trade Union before martial law was declared in Poland. The conflict passed through several inter-related stages and involved both commonly known expectations and goals of both parties to the conflict as well as the basis and aims not known to a larger group of people. The strike at Lubogóra, between 13 October and 12 November 1981, was an external expression of the conflict, which reached public opinion. After a month, the strike was suspended without final resolutions
The article aims at showing in a new light the confessional situation of the Academy of Cracow in the 16th and 17th centuries, using sources omitted in previous research into the topic and thanks to a more detailed analysis of the sources used by other scholars (e.g., Acta rectoralia, university conclusions, rectors’ and professors’ diaries). The Academy of Cracow was a Catholic institution, thus portraying the attitude of the university’s authorities to non-Catholics in a period of confessional struggle in Cracow and in the Commonwealth seemed promising. Another point was to analyse the possibilities for non-Catholics to function within the walls of the University in different periods of time, as well as to describe the most important events and regulations, which influenced the University’s policy. The author also tried to bring to light the subsequent stages of administrative exclusion (on various levels) of non-Catholic students. However, the contacts of the Academy with religious minorities in Cracow is a matter so complex, that it remained beyond the scope of the article.
The article aims to analyse issues related to the perception of the age of majority in Polish towns in the fifteenth and first decades of the sixteenth century. Attaining the age of majority, i.e. the age of discretion (Latin: anni discretionis) was regulated by law, and the term appears regularly in the registers of municipal courts and higher courts of German law. Therefore, the analysis of the source material makes it possible to reconstruct the process of coming of age together with the rights and obligations related to it and allows us to observe differences and similarities in treating adolescent girls and boys. <br>
The article aims to describe and characterise the collection of Polish company monographs and corporate histories as a literary genre within Polish historiography. It is based on a systematic genre analysis of formal features of 365 publications published be-tween 1797 and 2022. The discussion presents potential paths for future research in the context of genre and historiographic analysis. <br>
The article aims to describe Polish-Jewish relations during the Holocaust. The text is based on documents from three American archives: the National Archives at College Park, Maryland, The YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York and the Hoover In-stitution Library and Archives at Stanford University. These are mainly reports by Jewish organisations on the position of the followers of Judaism in Poland under the German occupation. The American archives also contain documents of Polish provenance describing Polish-Jewish relations, including Polish attitudes towards the extermination of Jews by the Germans. <br>
The article aims to determine the importance of Austria for Poland’s security policy in 1918-1926. The Polish authorities considered the threat of a loss of independence by Austria as a factor threatening the Versailles system, the inviolability of which was the cornerstone of the Polish security policy. An analysis of the bilateral relations conducted by the author is to reveal whether Poland regarded Austria as a potential ally or more as a threat. Paradoxically, it was Austria’s weakness that determined the great importance of this state in Poland’s security policy.
The article aims to discuss two diplomatic and military missions to Paris carried out by Bolesław Długoszowski (aka ‘Wieniawa’) in the first half of 1919. In both cases, he was an envoy of Józef Piłsudski, whose interests he represented in France during the Paris Peace Conference. While there, Długoszowski dealt with crucial problems related to the reconstruc-tion of the Polish state, including strengthening its military potential and establishing relations with the Entente powers and the Polish National Committee.
The article aims to discuss two diplomatic and military missions to Paris carried out by Bolesław Długoszowski (“Wieniawa”) in the first half of 1919. In both cases, he was an envoy of Józef Piłsudski, whose interests he represented in France during the Paris Peace Conference. While there, Długoszowski dealt with key problems related to the reconstruction of the Polish state, including strengthening its military potential and establishing relations with the Entente powers and the Polish National Committee.
The article aims to examine the initial phase of the marriage of Jan Zamoyski with Griseldis Báthory, the issue of change of the bride’s name, and the problems caused by the newlyweds’ difference of faith. Despite the plans of king Stephen and hetman Zamoyski, the young bride did not become a Catholic. Her upbringing by her Protestant mother and grandmother overrode the political interests of her Catholic male relatives.
The article aims to explore the process of modernisation of public health in Lviv from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century, using the example of the scarlet fever epidemic of 1907‒10. The author examines the functioning of the municipal health service, the impact of anti-epidemic measures on the lives of residents, and the involvement of hygienists in the implementation of municipal policy. The answers to these questions shed light on the public health policy in Lvivand the local hygiene movement.
The article aims to outline the question of military reforms in the Chinese prov-ince of Yunnan in the last decade of the Qing Dynasty (1901–1911). It analyses the process of forming the 19th Division of the New Army and the actions of successive governors-general of Yunnan and Guizhou provinces in local defence. <br>
The article aims to present the course and results of the elections to the Lviv City Council in January 1892. During the counting of votes, there were falsifications aimed at increasing the chances of the candidates of the City Committee, which led to protests by some scrutineers and voters. The verification committee, appointed by the newly elected Council and composed of councillors supported by the City committee, admitted that there were voting irregularities. Nevertheless, the committee considered the elections valid, merely invalidating the mandate of one of the five councillors for whom the forgeries were made. Only when 38 councillors resigned from their seats did the Council consider the e lections invalid. The next elections were held in January 1893. Out of five beneficiaries of forgery, only one was selected (in stricter elections). Those guilty of counterfeits were not detected. <br>
The article aims to present the fate of the State Police officers from Gdynia during World War II, after the Germans occupied the city in September 1939. The policemen from Gdynia did not evacuate to the east in the first days of the war campaign, mostly remaining in their duty places.This situation had an impact on their fate during the occupation. Gdynia police officers became victims of repression by the German and Soviet occupiers.
The article aims to present the financing of the police unit (called in Polish: chorągiew) of the sejmik authorities in the provinces of Poznań and Kalisz. The squadron operated between 1734 and 1767 and was financed by the taxes on the sale and service of alcoholic beverages (the first one called in Polish czopowe and the second szelężne). These reflections are based mainly on excellently preserved treasury sources from the archives of the Poznań Treasury Commission (assignations, receipts, registers, and accounts), which are unique compared to other sejmik treasuries throughout the whole Commonwealth. Their analysis made it possible to obtain important information on how local finances were managed, when the police unit received funds, and how the political and economic situation in the provinces affected its fate. It should be emphasised that such thorough research on financing the so-called ‘countyarmies’ has not been possible before. <br>
The article aims to present the topic of crime in the Ukrainian State ruled by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky. The text was based on archival documents found in the Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine in Kyiv. Their periods are from the end of July to August 1918. The documents contain specific information about crimes committed in the territory of the Ukrainian State, including time and place of committing a crime or preventive measures used by law enforcement and investigative authorities.
The article aims to show, on the example of oncology, the extent of the interpenetration of postwar Polish medicine with state policy and the everyday life of doctors. <br>
The article aims to summarise the main trends in the development of post-Soviet Ukrainian historiography and to place them within the broader context of contemporary challenges facing the Humanities, including the growing impact of “identity politics”. The author argues for the significance of contextualizing analysis of historiographical debates and supports the crucial importance of preserving academic freedom and open discussion.
The article aims to supplement the knowledge of the genesis of the split in the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in 1940 into OUN-M (for Melnyk supporters) and OUN-B (Bandera supporters). I analyse the first period of its activity, from its creation in 1929 to the beginning of the trial for the assassination of Minister Bronisław Pieracki, which resulted in Stepan Bandera’s sentencing to life imprisonment. In the article, I consider the reasons for the split and analyse the discussion on the subject within the OUN and the attempts to reach an agreement. Particularly important was the confl ict over tactics of action in the interwar Republic of Poland, which I trace on the example of two events: the attack on the post office at Gródek Jagielloński and the murder of Tadeusz Hołówko. <br>
The article aims to take a new look at the biography of Reinhart Koselleck (1923–2005), a prominent German historian and historical theorist, from the perspective of his long--time correspondence with Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), a jurist and legal theorist of the Third Reich and a prominent conservative thinker. Putting the Koselleck–Schmitt communication by letters (1953–1983) against the backdrop of a recent and rapidly growing literature on Ko-selleck’s thought, the article analyses the phases of their correspondence not only as a contri-bution to the historian’s biography but as an important document of the intellectual history of Germany and whole Europe at the time.
The article also largely examines Austro–Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied in specialized literature. Yet, before the spring of 1918 and to a certain extent even later, Vienna regarded the USA as a possible partner in its efforts to conclude peace. Studying Austro–Hungarian sources, the article analyzes in detail the development of Austro–Hungarian policy, which lacked a unified theme. In this respect, the article also mentions the devastating effect of the Sixtus Affair (April 1918) on the reputation of Austria– Hungary in the USA. Another conclusion of this article is the findings that in Austria–Hungary in the spring and summer of 1918, surprisingly scarce attention was paid to the US policy vis–à– vis Central Europe.
The article analyses five opinion-forming American prestige papers: The New York Times, The Chicago Daily Tribune, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times and The Atlanta Constitution. First information on the 1926 May Coup d’État by Józef Piłsudski was printed on front pages of these papers already on 13 May, the next day after it had started. Most of the articles published every day until 21 May were attempts to describe fights that broke out in the streets of Warsaw between Piłsudski’s troops and forces loyal to the constitutional authorities of Poland.
The article analyses the activities of the Krakow conservative publicist Henryk Lisicki at the end of 1876 as part of the activation of the loyalist environment of the Kingdom of Poland with Zygmunt Wielopolski at the head. Taking advantage of Russia’s involvement in the conflict in the Balkans, the milieu sought to persuade it to abandon the policy of repression and restore some of the Kingdom’s autonomous mechanisms. The means to do this was to compile, with the participation of Lisicki, a brochure and an address to the tsar, which was addressed to the leadership of the Russian state. Despite loyalist declarations, Wielopolski’s group failed to convince Sankt Petersburg, which did not respond to the offer of the conciliators. <br>
The article analyses the book „Wygnaniec. 21 scen z życia Zygmunta Baumana” (An Exile. 21 Scenes from the Life of Zygmunt Bauman) by Artur Domosławski through the prism of historical (factual) narration and problem perspectives proposed by Domosławski. In this first aspect, the main point of reference is made by two other recently published biographies of Zygmunt Bauman – by Dariusz Rosiak and Izabela Wagner. The latter deals primarily with the metaphor of sacrifice as a key to reading Bauman’s life. The author of the review article also proposes reflecting on the problem of the intellectual originality of the Polish sociologist.
The article analyses the content of Anatoly Vialiky’s book entitled Dzierżyńszczyzna 1932–1937. Rejon skazany na likwidację [Dzierżyńszczyzna 1932–1937. A Region Doomed to Be Liquidated]. Based on documents from the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus, the Belarusian historian has attempted to present the situation of Poles in the only Polish national district in Soviet Belarus.
The article analyses the influence of the religious factor on the internal processes of nation-state consolidation in Ukraine and on the causes and consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The division of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy into three branches (UAOC, UOC-KP and UOC-MP) did not allow the Church to become a consolidating factor in the formation of a nation-state in independent Ukraine and a generator of social trans-formation. The situation may change for the better after the creation of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in 2018.
The article analyses the malfunctions of meat processing plants in Poland in the 1950s and 1960s, including the suffering of animals that ended up there. It is based mainly on documents stored in the Central Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw (especially in the files of the Supreme Audit Office and the Ministry of State Control). There search focuses on the following issues: how animals were treated on farms, purchase points and transport to and treatment in meat-processing plants. New facts were also established with regard to their employees’ abuses and poor technical, hygienic, and sanitary conditions in the plants.
The article analyses the opinions on state-owned enterprises expressed in the letters sent in the first half of the seventies to the Office of Letters and Inspection of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party and Polish Radio and Television. The vast majority of this correspondence was written for personal reasons. The authors, most often unable to accept the harms and relationships at the place of their employment, provided a lot of detailed critical information that allows to indicate the most important problems in the functioning of these plants, in terms of production, working conditions and social relations.
The article analyses the path leading to the decision about the Sovietisation of Poland between late April and mid-August 1920. Based on archival materials of Political Bureau and Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), correspondence between members of the Politburo as well as documents of the Supreme Command of the Red Army and the commands of the Western and South-West Front from the analysed period, the author presents the internal discussions and dilemmas of the Soviet leadership in relation with the strategic attempt to undermine the entire Versailles system and to advance through Poland into Germany.
The article analyses the political activities and the language used by two representatives of the last generation of communist politicians in Poland and Hungary: Miklós Németh and Leszek Miller. The text aims to examine similarities and differences, potential mutual flows of ideas and inspirations, and in consequence – to uncover new analytical fields within which researchers could formulate new, more complete and convincing research hypotheses and theses. They concern both the last years of the functioning of the communist system and the starting point of the new, non--communist statehood and new socio-political-economic system.
The article analyses the process of illegal political emigration through the Western Pomeranian frontier after the end of the Second World War. Because of the dangers awaiting them in their country a number of soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces in the West decided to stay abroad rather than return to the country and wanted their families to join them. This had to be made in an illegal way, through the transfer channels opened by the officers of the Second Polish Corps to illegally transfer messengers of the Polish Government-in-Exile and people associated with the Polish political emigration. In her article the author focuses on the Western Pomeranian sector of the network organized by Horse Captain Antoni Landowski, the head of the “Planning Bureau” of the Polish Intelligence Centre at Meppen, which coordinated activities of various transferring channels through the western frontiers. It was their organizers that in 1947 and 1948 paid for it with their lives, while other members of the network were imprisoned for several or more years. The scale of this people’s transfer was illustrated by the fact that the officers of the Voivode Office of Public Security in Szczecin recognized the liquidation of the network as one of their biggest successes.
The article analyses the religious topography of Słuck (today, Sluck in Belarus). Słuck was an important hub of Orthodoxy and Protestantism in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; moreover, 38 percent of its population was Jewish. Detailed analysis of legal documents and urban inventories showed that there were areas within the town bounds which were reserved for the Christian communities active there. The spatial balance was upset in the former half of the eighteenth century, with Catholic orders brought into the town. The Jews were the only group that was legally barred from choosing a place to reside. The municipal authorities endeavoured to restrict the Jewish settlement to one street. Members of Jewish financial elite were the only ones to succeed in crossing the legal boundaries and settle down at the ‘Christian’ streets ofSłuck.
The article analyses underground publishing in Wrocław from 1979 to 1989 upon the basis of examples of the most prominent publishers (Kooperatywa Wydawnicza “Wyzwolenie”, Agencja Informacyjna Solidarności Walczącej/Agencja Wydawnicza Solidarności, Inicjatywa Wydawnicza Aspekt, Wydawnictwo Profil); in this way the author recreated the character of “second circulation” publishing and the way in which it functioned in that particular town. In doing so, K. Dworaczek discussed the shape of particular structures, their publishing accomplishments, the use of printing techniques, and people involved in the opposition. He also attempted to resolve the question about the extent to which the image of underground printing in Wrocław was characteristic for a similar sized town and to which its features included a distinctive specificity. The analysis is divided into two fundamental parts: the first encompasses a period to 1980, i.e. the activity of the so-called pre-August opposition (prior to the establishment of the “Solidarity” trade union), while the second is about the years 1982–1989, i.e. the period of the underground ”Solidarity”.
The article analyzes “monuments of sorrow” in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of “monuments of sorrow” as elements of peacebuilding.
The article analyzes the archetype of Serbian political leadership and compares it with the present-day model, on the basis of traditions and expectations of the Serbian society of their leader.
The article argues that two primary roles were prevalently identified for dogs in the period concerned: for one thing, dogs were perceived as objects of human malevolence or at least dislike; this had to do with the dissemination of disease – particularly, rabies, dangerous to humans. For another, the dog was represented as a victim of cruelty. The exchange of arguments between adherents of different solutions to the ‘canine question’ (dog-pounds and culling vs. shelters) grew emotion-imbued, especially in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The press published voices of protest against mass killings of dogs and reinstatement of dogcatcher’s establishments. Eminent scientists, artists, cultural workers sent requests or appeals in these respects to the authorities. This ‘canine campaign’ led to the adoption, in 1961–2, of legal acts designed to make the methods of dealing with homeless animals ‘civilised’, but they did not bring about a breakthrough in the way dogs were treated or dealt with in post-war Poland. The campaign demonstrated that an active group of dog lovers got formed in the People’s Republic. In this sense, it can be said that dogs became an object of human care (the latter topic not having been subject to the research on which the following text is based).
The article asks questions aboutthe unusual popularity of Stanisław Staszic(1755–1826), that culminated during hisfuneral — a spontaneous manifestation ofpatriotic feelings of thousands Varsovians.The author maintains that the figure ofStaszic was perceived by a prism of his philanthropicactivity and describes the evolutionof his image as philanthropist, off eringat the same time a broadened contextualizationof the reasons for such popularity.
The article attempts to critically look at the history policy of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) after 2015, with particular emphasis on the new vision of twentieth-century Polish history created within the PiS framework. According to the author, it is beginning to disturbingly resemble a historical utopia – an ideal picture of the past, with a clear emphasis on the conflict of absolutely understood “good” and “evil”, with model heroes who should become role models for subsequent generations. <br>
The article attempts to discuss initial Polish reactions to the Bolshevik coup d’état. In late 1917 to early 1918, the majority of commentators were all convinced that Bolshevik rule would be short-lived. It was also generally agreed that Lenin and his party were a destructive force that was continuing the work of destroying the tsarist empire that had begun with the outbreak of the February Revolution. Though undoubtedly dominant, ideologically motivated criticism of Bolshevism was not universal in Poland. Some commentators – mainly leftists – stressed the importance of the Bolshevik anti-war slogans and what was believed to be their positive attitude towards the issue of the self-determination of nations.
The article attempts to evaluate the monograph by Anna Wilk devoted to the history of a little-known minority, the Lemkos, throughout the twentieth century – from the times of the Second Republic of Poland to the Polish People’s Republic. It critically discusses the author’s approach to the source material and literature on the subject used in the book.
The article attempts to outline the main problems of medical care and health consciousness of the inhabitants of the countryside in post-war Poland (till 1960). When analysing the state system of health care reconstructed after the war on the local level and its main difficulties, I point out sanitary conditions and the most important epidemic threats of the first fifteen years after the war. Realising main postulations of the history of health and illness (called also social history of medicine) developed on the basis of the Western European humanities, the author attempts to answer the question about the place of health problems of rural population within the national health policy and how the postulated changes were implemented. On the basis of narrative sources and archival material, the article presents predominant health behaviours of the post-war country inhabitants, emphasising the clearly visible in the analysed time friction between practices and customs of folk medicine and academic medicine increasingly present in the country (through such institutions as health centres, consulting rooms, nursing stations, dispensaries, delivery rooms, visiting dental ambulances). The article, apart from describing the living conditions and state of health of rural population, analyses their everyday relations with representatives of the health care system as well as their attitudes towards the most frequent diseases and health risks in the analysed period.
The article attempts to present the publications issued by the Students’ Sightseeing Club of the Marshal Józef Piłsudski State Middle School in Pinsk in the second half of the 1930s against the backdrop of sightseeing and regional activities. Th e analysis of the texts became the starting point for outlining the perception of the Polesie population by young people and led to reflection on the dependence of education and upbringing on the borderland policy created by the state.
The article attempts to present the social and legal situation of the employees of the administrative apparatus in the north-western gubernias of the Russian Empire until the end of the 1850s. It sheds light on the social and national background, education, family, and economic situation of officials employed in the treasury chambers. The author used materials preserved in Lithuanian and Belarusian archives to characterise this professional group. Descriptions of the service status of employees of the Vilnius, Grodno and Minsk tax chambers made it possible to identify 225 officials. The analysis reveals the milieu of the emerging intelligentsia stratum, originating mainly from the declassed gentry of Polish origin. <br>
The article attempts to rationalise the functioning of the League of Nations High Commissioners in the Free City of Danzig (Gdansk). It focuses on the person of High Commissioner Manfredi Gravina of Italian nationality, active in the Free City in 1929–1932, trying to remove from him the label of an anti-Polish politician.
The article attempts to reconstruct the phenomenon of the involvement of Polish youth in the political life of the Congress Kingdom in 1905–1918 based on reports from the period. Among their authors are members of the young generation of that time, representing various political currents, as well as mature politicians, publicists, and educational and social activists. These accounts are not only a source of information on the motives behind the political choices and actions of young Poles in the early twentieth century, the role and significance of this generation in the political life of the Polish Kingdom but also on the place that youth occupied within the reflections of representatives of older generations.
The article, based on archival sources, is devoted to Allan Charles Elgart, an American who in the mid-1960s decided to study film directing in the country from behind the Iron Curtain.
The article characterises the attitude of the largest Polish trade union centres towards the Camp of National Unity (Polish: Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego, OZN). The differing opinions on OZN expressed between 1937 and 1939 by representatives of trade union organisations and the actions taken in their consequences were, to a large extent, conditioned by the ideological stance of individual circles. They also resulted from historical backgrounds and the relations of some headquarters with political parties. They were also a consequence of competition for supremacy in the labour movement.
The article characterises the development of the social history of the people’s Polish Army after 1989, including, in particular, the socio-psychological aspects of military service. The author attempts to answer the question of what reasons may have caused the relative weakness of this research stream. At the same time, he points to source materials that, in his opinion, fillin the gaps in historiography on this subject. The study is based primarily on the analysis of archival materials found in the Central Military Archives of the Military Historical Bureau in Warsaw. <br>
The article characterises the functioning of the Workers’ Conspiracy armed group, which operated in revolution-ridden Warsaw in 1906. It is sometimes referred to as an anarchist group or a simple robbery gang. The fate of the Workers’ Conspiracy also provided a basis for considering the specifics of the activities of political militant organisations in revolutionary conditions, political terrorism, and the boundary between political armed struggle and common banditry. <br>
The article comments on main trends in Polish historiography of the last 30 or so years. The author verifies predictions concerning said trends that had been made in the first years of the new millennium, to conclude that they proved too optimistic in some respects. Problems such as political instrumentalization of history loom large over Polish historiography and may distort its future development. Furthermore, the simplistic understanding of parametrization manifested by the last (2022) evaluation of academic institutions, further reduces freedom of research while it does nothing to eliminate political pressures on historians. In essence, the policy of science pursued by the Polish state does very little to support original research. <br>
The article compares two books being an attempt of the Polish literary community to settle with Stalinism: Rachunek pamięci (An Examination of Remembrance) under the joint scientific editorship of Władysław Bieńkowski, Helena Boguszewska, Paweł Jasienica, and Jerzy Kornacki; and Jacek Trznadel’s Hańba domowa (Home Disgrace). The study presents the circumstances of the creation of these two books and their reception, together with an analysis of the statements and opinions of writers contained in the text in terms of assessing literature in Stalinist times and the atmosphere in the literary milieu at the time, their attitude to settling accounts with the past and to the factors that determined the support of a large part of the community for the communist system in the period.
The article concentrates on anti-Jewish excesses in the Bulgarian territories of the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. The acts of violence against this group started at the very beginning of the war, when Russian and Cossack troops crossed the Danube and entered the city of Svishtov. Bulgarians joined the soldiers and together with them started to plunder Jewish district. Few of them died. The pogroms repeated in several different towns (especially in Stara Zagora and Kazanlak), where Jews were killed and Jewish houses robbed and plundered. The prevailing atmosphere of chaos and fear of retaliation by retreating Turkish troops aided local Slavic population in committing crimes and murders of Jews, who were sometimes accused also of being Turkish spies among Bulgarians. The only way of survival of the Jews was to fly into territories free of ongoing war campaign and many of them did so. Is seems, however, that the atrocities against the Jews did not, in general, influence their attitude towards Bulgarians. In many cities they helped Bulgarians and tried to provide safety and order for local populations. Bulgarian participation in the attacks denies the persistent in their national awareness ideal of being traditionally tolerant and free of anti-Semitism nation. The Russian and Cossack military troops also brought to the Bulgarian lands the idea of modern anti-Semitism, which previously based mainly on their culture and folklore.
The article considers the post–war history of several hundred labour and NKVD camps located in the Baltic states, Central–Eastern Europe, and the Balkans. After wartime hostilities came to an end these regions became subjected to the strict control of the Soviet NKVD and the communist regime in particular countries. The Stalinist administration of such penal institutions remained clearly discernible to 1953. The death of Joseph Stalin did not put an end to the history of the labour camps in the titular region: they continued to exist, although in an increasingly more lenient form and with lesser Soviet presence. The geographic area of the reflections encompasses two symbolic penal institutions: Sillamäe in Estonia, on the Baltic, and the infamous Naked Island (Goli Otok) off the Adriatic coast. The line running from Estonia to Yugoslavia resembled, in its simplest form, the course of the Iron Curtain separating Western Europe from the Soviet sphere of influence, which included the Baltic states, ultimately incorporated into the Soviet Union, as well as Poland, the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia. The author included information about the localisation of the camps, their sizes and living conditions, as well as the universally applied repression against the inmates.
The article contains a synthetic review of the most important subjects and directions of research in the field of the history of cities and townspeople in pre-partition Poland (to the end of the eighteenth century) based on scholarly publications from the last ten years. The author characterises the attitude of contemporary historians of cities towards questionnaires and research methods worked out in the second half of the twentieth century in the area of socio-economic history. He also outlines the prospects for the further development of Polish urban historiography, emphasising the importance of taking inspiration from the achievements of cultural anthropology and the cooperation of historians with representatives of other humanistic disciplines.
The article contains an edition of a handwritten occasional piece about the abduction of a maiden. The text comes from a ‘silva rerum’ by Alexander Minor (ref. no. 691), probably written between 1664 and 1705, and held in the collection of the Baworowski Library (fond 4, section 1) at the Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine.
The article contains an edition of letters written by the historians Aleksander (1916-1999) and Irena (1914-1999) Gieysztor in 1937-1939 to their teacher Marceli Handelsman (1882-1945). The letters are a contribution to the biography of the young Gieysztors. They reveal their everyday life and then their thoughts and feelings. The first ones relate to Aleksander’s military service, but a majority of them was written from Paris (October 1938 - July 1939). They shed light not only on their Parisian life and studies, but also show the French and Polish intellectual and scholarly life in the last months before the outbreak of war.
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