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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ LITERACKICH POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAWCZY LEŚNICTWA
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII DOŚWIADCZALNEJ IM. MARCELEGO NENCKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BIOLOGII SSAKÓW POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT CHEMII FIZYCZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT CHEMII ORGANICZNEJ PAN
INSTYTUT FILOZOFII I SOCJOLOGII PAN
INSTYTUT GEOGRAFII I PRZESTRZENNEGO ZAGOSPODAROWANIA PAN
INSTYTUT HISTORII im. TADEUSZA MANTEUFFLA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT JĘZYKA POLSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT MATEMATYCZNY PAN
INSTYTUT MEDYCYNY DOŚWIADCZALNEJ I KLINICZNEJ IM.MIROSŁAWA MOSSAKOWSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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SIEĆ BADAWCZA ŁUKASIEWICZ - INSTYTUT TECHNOLOGII MATERIAŁÓW ELEKTRONICZNYCH
MUZEUM I INSTYTUT ZOOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
INSTYTUT BADAŃ SYSTEMOWYCH PAN
INSTYTUT BOTANIKI IM. WŁADYSŁAWA SZAFERA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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Although Polish research on the Communist International (Comintern) history began in the interwar period, the existing literature does not constitute a highly-developed field. This becomes particularly evident when Polish studies are compared to research produced in Russia, Germany, the United States, and Italy, or even India and Korea. This state of affairs is, to some degree, a result of political conditions that influenced, and continue to influence, access to archival sources. For this reason, interest in the Comintern after 1989 closely resembles the situation in research on the history of the Communist Party of Poland (KPP), which was, after all, one of the sections of the Third International. In both cases – in research on the Comintern and on the KPP – the focus was on shedding light on historical “blind spots” rather than on developing systematic studies of political organisations. Largely thanks to Professor Jerzy W. Borejsza, improvements have become evident over the past two decades in Polish research on the Comintern and related issues. Indeed, many important case studies have emerged, although what Polish research still lacks are wide-ranging monographs and analytical syntheses. This paper offers a review of Polish historiography’s most important contributions to research on the Comintern, covering the period from the interwar era to the present. It also attempts to outline potential future perspectives in the field, including a brief overview of important international works.
Among the events important for the development of political situation and war strategy in the first weeks of World War II only few can compare with the first meeting of the Anglo-French Supreme War Council at Abbeville in France on 12 September 1939. What is surprising is that the meeting, often referred to in the literature on the subject, has not been thoroughly researched by historians.
Among the fifty leading thinkers analysing the Holocaust and genocide are two Poles of Jewish origin: the lawyer Rafał Lemkin and the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman. The article aims to characterise and compare two concepts of genocide, the circumstances in which they arose, and attempts to answer which concept better explains genocide understood as a historical phenomenon and a specific type of mass crime. <br>
An analysis of military files reveals that in the Stalinist period the mandatory military service was a mass social experience which abounded with conflicts and tensions. The conscription itself, and then the enlistment were conducive to the use of various social strategies that were to preserve young men from serving in the army. These efforts were often supported by their workplaces which appealed for a deferment for their employees necessary for the realization of their production plans.One of the main problems of everyday operations of military troops in Stalinist Poland was the prevalence of socially pathological phenomena. Both the regular officers and senior privateers subjected the young soldiers to harsh and even cruel treatment. This behaviour, involving harassment and persecution unrelated to the service, was termed the “Prussian drill”, and was officially condemned, although it was applied. Military sources contain descriptions of some cases, but it is impossible to establish their actual number.Conditions of military service in the Stalinist period, including cases of Prussian drill, were one of many reasons of some “extraordinary cases”, including desertions. Desertions were among three most frequent extraordinary cases (besides accidents of mechanical vehicles and unfortunate accidents) in the Polish People’s Army in the first half of the 1950s. Usually, they were caused by soldiers most freshly conscripted, who most badly tolerated not only persecutions but also separation from their home and family. Their relatively large number resulted also from a broad definition of desertion adopted in the contemporary law regulations that included acts by which a soldier did not seek to permanently abandon and forsake his duty of military service.
An ancient Etruscan settlement located in the Valdichiana, along the border between Tuscany and Umbria, Cortona has attracted renewed interest over the last two decades among historians of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Falling into this line of research is the publication of the communal statute from 1325, when the government handed the reins of power to the seigneurial regime revolving around Ranieri Casali. In the same year, Cortona became an episcopal seat and thus also gained the status of a city proper. Through a careful analysis of this extraordinarily rich source, the article outlines the salient aspects of the city’s economy and society, with a focus on its environmental resources and urban activities, the distribution of wealth and its poor relief, the condition of women, and the topography of social relations. The picture that emerges from this analysis is that of a lively and dynamic city, arguably at the peak of its development, at a time when many urban centres in Italy and across Europe were already experiencing a downturn after the economic expansion of the Middle Ages.
An individual approach to the process of identifying fallen victims of armed conflicts in the 20th century enjoys widespread popularity in Western Europe (Germany, Holland), Central and Eastern Europe (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina), Anglo-Saxon countries (especially USA) and Russia. Each of them is characterized by different identity determination resulting from the circumstances surrounding the death of a murdered person. The development of technology makes it possible for us to use methods that were inaccessible ten years ago: DNA comparative studies that ultimately verify the identity of a victim. The studies have been used for over twenty years to restore the identity people who were murdered and lost in the aftermath of the armed conflict in former Yugoslavia, especially Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Poland, the identification of bone remains was carried out in certain individual cases, such as the skull of Ludwik Szymański, a Polish officer murdered in Katyn. Mass comparative studies of the DNA of the wanted people and their families were first used in Poland against anti-communist soldiers of the independence underground, who were sentenced to death in 1944–1956 by military district courts and shot in the prison in Rakowiecka Street in Warsaw.The article presents the research methods used in Poland, such as the analysis of source materials, geo-radar survey and comparative research of DNA material on the example of the largest works. The aim of the paper is to present sources materials that have contributed to locating and then estimating the size of burial fields. The author also describes other methods of identifying victims, critically presenting each of them.
An integral part in the nation-building processes unfolding in the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy was the formation of specific elite segments that could shepherd various ethnic or confessional communities towards modernity or help to preserve their national existence in the face of de-nationalising policies. Over time, the establishment of a legal elite – graduates of law academies and faculties – assumed an increasingly important role, especially for national minorities. The present paper attempts to tally the results of the collective endeavour on the part of the Romanians in Dualist Hungary to forge this elite segment by focusing on the swansong moment of Romanian petitioning, the Memorandum trial of 1894. It examines the impromptu selection of local members of the Romanian legal elite in Hungary, occasioned by the need to defend the leadership of the Romanian national movement in the courtroom, and discusses their educational and professional backgrounds. It also shines a light on the contrary positions taken by other members of the national leadership – also a segment of this legal elite – and the ensuing conflicts between and among the national leadership as both groups tried in their own way to defend the Romanian national movement.
The analysis conducted here is an attempt to characterize and determine the scale of references made to objects conferring prestige on their owners in noble post-mortem inventories from the first half of the eighteenth century. The author has examined how prestige was regarded in magnate circles and to extent to which the middle and lower nobility - whose inventories dominate in the analysed source material - imitated the lifestyle of the most wealthy. A thorough analysis of the preserved sources is a contribution to the characterization of the standard of living of the nobility and an attempt to determine the importance attached to the possession of certain kinds of movable property.
Angelo Maria Durini was papal nuncio in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1767–1772. Historians have asked more than once whether he only represented the position of the pope or whether he exceeded his instructions. The attitude of the diplomat Durini and his relations with the anti-royal opposition seem to suggest not so much over stepping his authority as a one-sided approach to papal directives that were quite familiar with the concept of compromise.
animal rights - Poland - history
Any record registered in municipal books is a result of many actions in the sphere of words and gestures, listened to, seen, watched, and finally transformed by the scribe into an official registration. The present article attempts to answer the question about the place occupied by writing in that world of theatrical gestures and set phrases.
The appointment in May 1920 of Col. Paweł Aleksandrowicz as military attaché at the Legation of the Republic of Poland in Tokyo seemed to be fully justifi ed and favourable from the perspective of interests of the state and the military forces. His dismissal – offi cially for fi nancial reasons – in fact resulted from a critical appraisal of his effectiveness and his confl ict with the head of the diplomatic post, which finally ended in bringing disciplinary, criminal, and honorary proceedings against Col. Aleksandrowicz
Archaeologists examining the residence of Daniel Romanovych on Cathedral Hill in Chełm (thirteenth century) enjoy a noteworthy opportunity to compare excavations data with the text of “Kronika halicko-wołyńska”(The Galician-Volhynian Chronicle). It is highly probable that at least some of the descriptions of places and objects in the “Chronicle” could have been first-hand. The article discusses the dilemmas of an archaeologist who, with assorted categories of data at his disposal, tries to confront them with a chronicler’s account.
The architectural competition held in 1910 to design a “Great Kraków” was undoubtedly the most important event in Polish urban planning before 1918. It is not without reason that it was regarded as one of the breakthroughs, marking the beginnings of the “modern” rebuilding of Polish cities. At the same time, it inscribed to a longer worldwide chain of events related to urban planning “around the year 1910”, that included, among others, competitions for “Great Copenhagen” (1908–1909), “Great Berlin” (1909–1910), the plan of Chicago by Daniel Burnham and Edward H. Bennett (1909), and the competition for a plan of Canberra (1912). Despite its great significance, the Kraków competition has however not been thoroughly researched yet, especially regarding the designs that did not win awards, by Sylwester Pajzderski, and those that were purchased, by Ignacy Drexler and Juliusz Oleś with Szymon Weinberg. This article, while not pretending to exhaust the entire breadth and depth of the Kraków competition and submitted projects, focuses on the way in which the idea of Stadtbaukunst, the art of city building—such an important factor of urban planning theory at the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries—was reflected in these projects, together with the question of what constituted a “beautiful city”. There is no doubt that the ideas were mirrored in the competition designs, as they were also echoed in the competition programme. However, it was not always that the pursuit of making “beautiful Kraków” was compatible with the demands of the art of city building; often the participants postulated transformations, at times quite significant ones, of the historic substance of the city. Nevertheless, none of the designs presented a concrete vision of the coherent, mainly symbolic identity of the future “Great Kraków”. The participants seemed to have focused their attention mainly on attempts to transform Kraków into a healthy and convenient city to live in; thus, to direct it towards modernity.
The archives of Polish Televi-sion (TVP) are very rich but difficult to access.¬Knowledge about the rules of collect-ing and the state of preservation, especially of recordings, is scarce outside TVP. There-fore, it seems justifi able to shed light on the TVP Archives, about the collections, what one can look for there, and especially what cannot be found there.
The aristocratic titles, which the partitioning monarchies granted to some of their Polish noble subjects in the long nineteenth century, did not play a decisive role in the development and formation of the modern Polish noble elite. The foreign titles could only sanction the internal noble hierarchy, which was apparently much more determined by specific noble traditions and the cult of the pre-partition past. This argument is evidenced by the cases of families which did not need formal title grants to be recognized as truly aristocratic in that period.
The article addresses the conflict in the Agricultural Facility at Lubogóra, part of the Świebodzin Agricultural Conglomerate in the Zielona Góra Voivodeship. It was one of the most widely known and last confl icts between the state authorities and the Solidarity Trade Union before martial law was declared in Poland. The conflict passed through several inter-related stages and involved both commonly known expectations and goals of both parties to the conflict as well as the basis and aims not known to a larger group of people. The strike at Lubogóra, between 13 October and 12 November 1981, was an external expression of the conflict, which reached public opinion. After a month, the strike was suspended without final resolutions
The article aims at showing in a new light the confessional situation of the Academy of Cracow in the 16th and 17th centuries, using sources omitted in previous research into the topic and thanks to a more detailed analysis of the sources used by other scholars (e.g., Acta rectoralia, university conclusions, rectors’ and professors’ diaries). The Academy of Cracow was a Catholic institution, thus portraying the attitude of the university’s authorities to non-Catholics in a period of confessional struggle in Cracow and in the Commonwealth seemed promising. Another point was to analyse the possibilities for non-Catholics to function within the walls of the University in different periods of time, as well as to describe the most important events and regulations, which influenced the University’s policy. The author also tried to bring to light the subsequent stages of administrative exclusion (on various levels) of non-Catholic students. However, the contacts of the Academy with religious minorities in Cracow is a matter so complex, that it remained beyond the scope of the article.
The article aims at showing in a new light the confessional situation of the University of Cracow in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, using sources omitted in previous research into the topic and thanks to a more detailed analysis of the sources used by other scholars (e.g., Acta rectoralia, university conclusions, rectors’ and professors’ diaries). The Academy of Cracow (as it was called then) was a Catholic institution, thus portraying the attitude of the university’s authorities to non-Catholics in a period of confessional struggle in Cracow and in the Commonwealth seemed promising. Another point was to analyse the possibilities for non-Catholics to function within the walls of the University in different periods of time, as well as to describe the most important events and regulations, which influenced the University’s policy. The author also tried to bring to light the subsequent stages of administrative exclusion (on various levels) of non-Catholic students. However, the contacts of the Academy with religious minorities in Cracow is a matter so complex, that it remained beyond the scope of the article.
The article aims to analyse issues related to the perception of the age of majority in Polish towns in the fifteenth and first decades of the sixteenth century. Attaining the age of majority, i.e. the age of discretion (Latin: anni discretionis) was regulated by law, and the term appears regularly in the registers of municipal courts and higher courts of German law. Therefore, the analysis of the source material makes it possible to reconstruct the process of coming of age together with the rights and obligations related to it and allows us to observe differences and similarities in treating adolescent girls and boys. <br>
The article aims to describe and characterise the collection of Polish company monographs and corporate histories as a literary genre within Polish historiography. It is based on a systematic genre analysis of formal features of 365 publications published be-tween 1797 and 2022. The discussion presents potential paths for future research in the context of genre and historiographic analysis. <br>
The article aims to describe Polish-Jewish relations during the Holocaust. The text is based on documents from three American archives: the National Archives at College Park, Maryland, The YIVO Institute for Jewish Research in New York and the Hoover In-stitution Library and Archives at Stanford University. These are mainly reports by Jewish organisations on the position of the followers of Judaism in Poland under the German occupation. The American archives also contain documents of Polish provenance describing Polish-Jewish relations, including Polish attitudes towards the extermination of Jews by the Germans. <br>
The article aims to determine the importance of Austria for Poland’s security policy in 1918-1926. The Polish authorities considered the threat of a loss of independence by Austria as a factor threatening the Versailles system, the inviolability of which was the cornerstone of the Polish security policy. An analysis of the bilateral relations conducted by the author is to reveal whether Poland regarded Austria as a potential ally or more as a threat. Paradoxically, it was Austria’s weakness that determined the great importance of this state in Poland’s security policy.
The article aims to discuss two diplomatic and military missions to Paris carried out by Bolesław Długoszowski (aka ‘Wieniawa’) in the first half of 1919. In both cases, he was an envoy of Józef Piłsudski, whose interests he represented in France during the Paris Peace Conference. While there, Długoszowski dealt with crucial problems related to the reconstruc-tion of the Polish state, including strengthening its military potential and establishing relations with the Entente powers and the Polish National Committee.
The article aims to discuss two diplomatic and military missions to Paris carried out by Bolesław Długoszowski (“Wieniawa”) in the first half of 1919. In both cases, he was an envoy of Józef Piłsudski, whose interests he represented in France during the Paris Peace Conference. While there, Długoszowski dealt with key problems related to the reconstruction of the Polish state, including strengthening its military potential and establishing relations with the Entente powers and the Polish National Committee.
The article aims to examine the initial phase of the marriage of Jan Zamoyski with Griseldis Báthory, the issue of change of the bride’s name, and the problems caused by the newlyweds’ difference of faith. Despite the plans of king Stephen and hetman Zamoyski, the young bride did not become a Catholic. Her upbringing by her Protestant mother and grandmother overrode the political interests of her Catholic male relatives.
The article aims to explore the process of modernisation of public health in Lviv from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century, using the example of the scarlet fever epidemic of 1907‒10. The author examines the functioning of the municipal health service, the impact of anti-epidemic measures on the lives of residents, and the involvement of hygienists in the implementation of municipal policy. The answers to these questions shed light on the public health policy in Lvivand the local hygiene movement.
The article aims to outline the question of military reforms in the Chinese prov-ince of Yunnan in the last decade of the Qing Dynasty (1901–1911). It analyses the process of forming the 19th Division of the New Army and the actions of successive governors-general of Yunnan and Guizhou provinces in local defence. <br>
The article aims to present the course and results of the elections to the Lviv City Council in January 1892. During the counting of votes, there were falsifications aimed at increasing the chances of the candidates of the City Committee, which led to protests by some scrutineers and voters. The verification committee, appointed by the newly elected Council and composed of councillors supported by the City committee, admitted that there were voting irregularities. Nevertheless, the committee considered the elections valid, merely invalidating the mandate of one of the five councillors for whom the forgeries were made. Only when 38 councillors resigned from their seats did the Council consider the e lections invalid. The next elections were held in January 1893. Out of five beneficiaries of forgery, only one was selected (in stricter elections). Those guilty of counterfeits were not detected. <br>
The article aims to present the fate of the State Police officers from Gdynia during World War II, after the Germans occupied the city in September 1939. The policemen from Gdynia did not evacuate to the east in the first days of the war campaign, mostly remaining in their duty places.This situation had an impact on their fate during the occupation. Gdynia police officers became victims of repression by the German and Soviet occupiers.
The article aims to present the financing of the police unit (called in Polish: chorągiew) of the sejmik authorities in the provinces of Poznań and Kalisz. The squadron operated between 1734 and 1767 and was financed by the taxes on the sale and service of alcoholic beverages (the first one called in Polish czopowe and the second szelężne). These reflections are based mainly on excellently preserved treasury sources from the archives of the Poznań Treasury Commission (assignations, receipts, registers, and accounts), which are unique compared to other sejmik treasuries throughout the whole Commonwealth. Their analysis made it possible to obtain important information on how local finances were managed, when the police unit received funds, and how the political and economic situation in the provinces affected its fate. It should be emphasised that such thorough research on financing the so-called ‘countyarmies’ has not been possible before. <br>
The article aims to present the topic of crime in the Ukrainian State ruled by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky. The text was based on archival documents found in the Central State Archives of Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine in Kyiv. Their periods are from the end of July to August 1918. The documents contain specific information about crimes committed in the territory of the Ukrainian State, including time and place of committing a crime or preventive measures used by law enforcement and investigative authorities.
The article aims to show, on the example of oncology, the extent of the interpenetration of postwar Polish medicine with state policy and the everyday life of doctors. <br>
The article aims to summarise the main trends in the development of post-Soviet Ukrainian historiography and to place them within the broader context of contemporary challenges facing the Humanities, including the growing impact of “identity politics”. The author argues for the significance of contextualizing analysis of historiographical debates and supports the crucial importance of preserving academic freedom and open discussion.
The article aims to supplement the knowledge of the genesis of the split in the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in 1940 into OUN-M (for Melnyk supporters) and OUN-B (Bandera supporters). I analyse the first period of its activity, from its creation in 1929 to the beginning of the trial for the assassination of Minister Bronisław Pieracki, which resulted in Stepan Bandera’s sentencing to life imprisonment. In the article, I consider the reasons for the split and analyse the discussion on the subject within the OUN and the attempts to reach an agreement. Particularly important was the confl ict over tactics of action in the interwar Republic of Poland, which I trace on the example of two events: the attack on the post office at Gródek Jagielloński and the murder of Tadeusz Hołówko. <br>
The article aims to take a new look at the biography of Reinhart Koselleck (1923–2005), a prominent German historian and historical theorist, from the perspective of his long--time correspondence with Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), a jurist and legal theorist of the Third Reich and a prominent conservative thinker. Putting the Koselleck–Schmitt communication by letters (1953–1983) against the backdrop of a recent and rapidly growing literature on Ko-selleck’s thought, the article analyses the phases of their correspondence not only as a contri-bution to the historian’s biography but as an important document of the intellectual history of Germany and whole Europe at the time.
The article also largely examines Austro–Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied in specialized literature. Yet, before the spring of 1918 and to a certain extent even later, Vienna regarded the USA as a possible partner in its efforts to conclude peace. Studying Austro–Hungarian sources, the article analyzes in detail the development of Austro–Hungarian policy, which lacked a unified theme. In this respect, the article also mentions the devastating effect of the Sixtus Affair (April 1918) on the reputation of Austria– Hungary in the USA. Another conclusion of this article is the findings that in Austria–Hungary in the spring and summer of 1918, surprisingly scarce attention was paid to the US policy vis–à– vis Central Europe.
The article analyses five opinion-forming American prestige papers: The New York Times, The Chicago Daily Tribune, The Washington Post, The Los Angeles Times and The Atlanta Constitution. First information on the 1926 May Coup d’État by Józef Piłsudski was printed on front pages of these papers already on 13 May, the next day after it had started. Most of the articles published every day until 21 May were attempts to describe fights that broke out in the streets of Warsaw between Piłsudski’s troops and forces loyal to the constitutional authorities of Poland.
The article analyses selected aspects of the biography of Reinhart Koselleck (1923–2006), a German historian and theoretician of history. In particular, it brings to the fore significant traces of the Second World War experiences of the author of Kritik und Krise. Further, it looks at their influence on Koselleck’s critical approach to the concept of collective memory and on the anti-utopian thrust of his historical theory. <br>
The article analyses the activities of the Krakow conservative publicist Henryk Lisicki at the end of 1876 as part of the activation of the loyalist environment of the Kingdom of Poland with Zygmunt Wielopolski at the head. Taking advantage of Russia’s involvement in the conflict in the Balkans, the milieu sought to persuade it to abandon the policy of repression and restore some of the Kingdom’s autonomous mechanisms. The means to do this was to compile, with the participation of Lisicki, a brochure and an address to the tsar, which was addressed to the leadership of the Russian state. Despite loyalist declarations, Wielopolski’s group failed to convince Sankt Petersburg, which did not respond to the offer of the conciliators. <br>
The article analyses the book „Wygnaniec. 21 scen z życia Zygmunta Baumana” (An Exile. 21 Scenes from the Life of Zygmunt Bauman) by Artur Domosławski through the prism of historical (factual) narration and problem perspectives proposed by Domosławski. In this first aspect, the main point of reference is made by two other recently published biographies of Zygmunt Bauman – by Dariusz Rosiak and Izabela Wagner. The latter deals primarily with the metaphor of sacrifice as a key to reading Bauman’s life. The author of the review article also proposes reflecting on the problem of the intellectual originality of the Polish sociologist.
The article analyses the content of Anatoly Vialiky’s book entitled Dzierżyńszczyzna 1932–1937. Rejon skazany na likwidację [Dzierżyńszczyzna 1932–1937. A Region Doomed to Be Liquidated]. Based on documents from the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus, the Belarusian historian has attempted to present the situation of Poles in the only Polish national district in Soviet Belarus.
The article analyses the extradition cartel conventions concluded between Tsarist Russia and the Kingdom of Prussia during the 1840s and 1850s. The first part is devoted to the discussion of the actual conditions that affected the procedures for the release of fugitives in the Kingdom of Poland after the failure of the November Uprising. The second part offers an in-depth analysis of the Russian-Prussian extradition agreement of 8/20 May 1844. Thirdly, the study examines the convention on the exchange of deserters and fugitives that was agreed upon on 27 July / 8 August 1857 on behalf of Tsar Alexander II and King Frederick William IV of Prussia. The conclusions draw attention to the repetitive character of a number of legal arrangements included in cartel conventions, but also emphasise that some provisions were subject to verification, depending on practical considerations and intentions.
The article analyses the family ties of the Cracow burghers with the secular clergy of the city in the fourteenth century, documented in sources. It has been demonstrated that the clergy who came from the Cracow burghers (cathedra, canons, vicars, collegiate canons, parsons and priests, altarists and clerics) were a group consisted of 58 people. On their way to Church positions, they encountered various difficulties determined by the personal policy of the bishops of Cracow, the right of patronage, and the policy of noble and mighty families. There are also data on the education of the clergy of Cracow origin and their informal connections with the Church presented.
The article analyses the influence of the religious factor on the internal processes of nation-state consolidation in Ukraine and on the causes and consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The division of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy into three branches (UAOC, UOC-KP and UOC-MP) did not allow the Church to become a consolidating factor in the formation of a nation-state in independent Ukraine and a generator of social trans-formation. The situation may change for the better after the creation of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in 2018.
The article analyses the malfunctions of meat processing plants in Poland in the 1950s and 1960s, including the suffering of animals that ended up there. It is based mainly on documents stored in the Central Archives of Modern Records in Warsaw (especially in the files of the Supreme Audit Office and the Ministry of State Control). There search focuses on the following issues: how animals were treated on farms, purchase points and transport to and treatment in meat-processing plants. New facts were also established with regard to their employees’ abuses and poor technical, hygienic, and sanitary conditions in the plants.
The article analyses the opinions on state-owned enterprises expressed in the letters sent in the first half of the seventies to the Office of Letters and Inspection of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party and Polish Radio and Television. The vast majority of this correspondence was written for personal reasons. The authors, most often unable to accept the harms and relationships at the place of their employment, provided a lot of detailed critical information that allows to indicate the most important problems in the functioning of these plants, in terms of production, working conditions and social relations.
The article analyses the path leading to the decision about the Sovietisation of Poland between late April and mid-August 1920. Based on archival materials of Political Bureau and Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), correspondence between members of the Politburo as well as documents of the Supreme Command of the Red Army and the commands of the Western and South-West Front from the analysed period, the author presents the internal discussions and dilemmas of the Soviet leadership in relation with the strategic attempt to undermine the entire Versailles system and to advance through Poland into Germany.
The article analyses the political activities and the language used by two representatives of the last generation of communist politicians in Poland and Hungary: Miklós Németh and Leszek Miller. The text aims to examine similarities and differences, potential mutual flows of ideas and inspirations, and in consequence – to uncover new analytical fields within which researchers could formulate new, more complete and convincing research hypotheses and theses. They concern both the last years of the functioning of the communist system and the starting point of the new, non--communist statehood and new socio-political-economic system.
The article analyses the process of illegal political emigration through the Western Pomeranian frontier after the end of the Second World War. Because of the dangers awaiting them in their country a number of soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces in the West decided to stay abroad rather than return to the country and wanted their families to join them. This had to be made in an illegal way, through the transfer channels opened by the officers of the Second Polish Corps to illegally transfer messengers of the Polish Government-in-Exile and people associated with the Polish political emigration. In her article the author focuses on the Western Pomeranian sector of the network organized by Horse Captain Antoni Landowski, the head of the “Planning Bureau” of the Polish Intelligence Centre at Meppen, which coordinated activities of various transferring channels through the western frontiers. It was their organizers that in 1947 and 1948 paid for it with their lives, while other members of the network were imprisoned for several or more years. The scale of this people’s transfer was illustrated by the fact that the officers of the Voivode Office of Public Security in Szczecin recognized the liquidation of the network as one of their biggest successes.
The article analyses the religious topography of Słuck (today, Sluck in Belarus). Słuck was an important hub of Orthodoxy and Protestantism in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; moreover, 38 percent of its population was Jewish. Detailed analysis of legal documents and urban inventories showed that there were areas within the town bounds which were reserved for the Christian communities active there. The spatial balance was upset in the former half of the eighteenth century, with Catholic orders brought into the town. The Jews were the only group that was legally barred from choosing a place to reside. The municipal authorities endeavoured to restrict the Jewish settlement to one street. Members of Jewish financial elite were the only ones to succeed in crossing the legal boundaries and settle down at the ‘Christian’ streets ofSłuck.
The article analyses underground publishing in Wrocław from 1979 to 1989 upon the basis of examples of the most prominent publishers (Kooperatywa Wydawnicza “Wyzwolenie”, Agencja Informacyjna Solidarności Walczącej/Agencja Wydawnicza Solidarności, Inicjatywa Wydawnicza Aspekt, Wydawnictwo Profil); in this way the author recreated the character of “second circulation” publishing and the way in which it functioned in that particular town. In doing so, K. Dworaczek discussed the shape of particular structures, their publishing accomplishments, the use of printing techniques, and people involved in the opposition. He also attempted to resolve the question about the extent to which the image of underground printing in Wrocław was characteristic for a similar sized town and to which its features included a distinctive specificity. The analysis is divided into two fundamental parts: the first encompasses a period to 1980, i.e. the activity of the so-called pre-August opposition (prior to the establishment of the “Solidarity” trade union), while the second is about the years 1982–1989, i.e. the period of the underground ”Solidarity”.
The article analyzes “monuments of sorrow” in Georgian conflicts. The work presents a general description of the situation revealing the main trend, in which monuments are intended to deepen the dividing lines in societies affected by conflict. This practice occupies an important place in the formation of stereotypes of behavior in the periods immediately before, during, and after the conflict. At the same time, the article emphasises the potential of “monuments of sorrow” as elements of peacebuilding.
The article analyzes the archetype of Serbian political leadership and compares it with the present-day model, on the basis of traditions and expectations of the Serbian society of their leader.
The article applies a comparative perspective to assess the onset of the two ‘successful’ eighteen-century revolutions – the American and the French. The Boston events of March 1770 are compared with those of Paris in July 1789: in both cases ‘the people’ faced the soldiers, riots and politically generated violence led to bloodshed, but the subsequent actions of the insurgents showed a marked difference in understanding the sense of justice and the ways of promoting revolutionary discourse. Boston patriots relied on the English-based system of common law, were ready to condemn their own radicals and did not wish plebeian justice to prevail. They hoped for a perestroika, not for a revolution. The French – finding no culprits to condemn, and having as of yet no legal institutions of their own to use – were willing to disregard the legal continuity of the state and to search for more radical solutions.
The article argues that two primary roles were prevalently identified for dogs in the period concerned: for one thing, dogs were perceived as objects of human malevolence or at least dislike; this had to do with the dissemination of disease – particularly, rabies, dangerous to humans. For another, the dog was represented as a victim of cruelty. The exchange of arguments between adherents of different solutions to the ‘canine question’ (dog-pounds and culling vs. shelters) grew emotion-imbued, especially in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The press published voices of protest against mass killings of dogs and reinstatement of dogcatcher’s establishments. Eminent scientists, artists, cultural workers sent requests or appeals in these respects to the authorities. This ‘canine campaign’ led to the adoption, in 1961–2, of legal acts designed to make the methods of dealing with homeless animals ‘civilised’, but they did not bring about a breakthrough in the way dogs were treated or dealt with in post-war Poland. The campaign demonstrated that an active group of dog lovers got formed in the People’s Republic. In this sense, it can be said that dogs became an object of human care (the latter topic not having been subject to the research on which the following text is based).
The article asks questions aboutthe unusual popularity of Stanisław Staszic(1755–1826), that culminated during hisfuneral — a spontaneous manifestation ofpatriotic feelings of thousands Varsovians.The author maintains that the figure ofStaszic was perceived by a prism of his philanthropicactivity and describes the evolutionof his image as philanthropist, off eringat the same time a broadened contextualizationof the reasons for such popularity.
The article attempts to analyse the context and course of the so-called “canine campaign” that took place in Poland at the turn of the 1960s. The subject of the analysis are documents of institutions and offices that worked out the rules and regulations for dealing with stray animals (primarily dogs, less often cats). The study also presents the action of protests against re-establishment of dog knackeries in which brutal animal murders were carried out and against the mass shooting of homeless animals by hunters and other authorized services.
The article attempts to critically look at the history policy of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) after 2015, with particular emphasis on the new vision of twentieth-century Polish history created within the PiS framework. According to the author, it is beginning to disturbingly resemble a historical utopia – an ideal picture of the past, with a clear emphasis on the conflict of absolutely understood “good” and “evil”, with model heroes who should become role models for subsequent generations. <br>
The article attempts to discuss initial Polish reactions to the Bolshevik coup d’état. In late 1917 to early 1918, the majority of commentators were all convinced that Bolshevik rule would be short-lived. It was also generally agreed that Lenin and his party were a destructive force that was continuing the work of destroying the tsarist empire that had begun with the outbreak of the February Revolution. Though undoubtedly dominant, ideologically motivated criticism of Bolshevism was not universal in Poland. Some commentators – mainly leftists – stressed the importance of the Bolshevik anti-war slogans and what was believed to be their positive attitude towards the issue of the self-determination of nations.
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