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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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Sport is oftentimes used as an unofficial instrument of diplomacy and/or civic activism – especially in usually tense relations between democracies and authoritarian regimes – as was the case concerning the USA and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main focus of this article is to analyze the way in which wrestling and football – sport disciplines that are popular in both these countries – made it possible to get out of mutual isolation lasting uninterruptedly since 1979.
Starting from the early 1919, American humanitarian organizations began arriving in Poland, like in other states of Central Eastern Europe, with material and food assistance to societies devastated by the military conflict and epidemics of infectious diseases. American associations, with the largest and most important American Relief Administration in the lead, focused mainly on nourishing children, mobilizing American public opinion to raise money for this purpose, and presenting the situation of malnourished young children from this part of Europe as a grave social problem.
The starting point for the article was a documentary film directed by K. Gradowski, which was broadcast in Warsaw cinemas in 1970, and was widely commented on by the society. The film, addressing the problem of loneliness of old people and broadly understood violence and indifference towards old people, was also echoed in letters and complaints sent by citizens of the Polish People’s Republic to the central authorities of those times. The purpose of the article is above all an attempt to answer the question to what extent the film image was a real and common picture of the old man’s fate in this period and to what extent the image emerging from the film coincided with that appearing in the correspondence and complaints of Poles of the 1960s and 1970s. In a broader perspective, the text also addresses the problem of care and responsibility in a social/welfare state of People’s Poland, brushing against the issue of broadly understood biopolitics of the Polish People’s Republic.
The starting point of these reflections sensu stricto are Lenin’s March Theses of 1916. One of their statements, on the right of nations to self-determination, has been compared with the practical implementation of the right following the successful October Revolution of 1917, when the Bolsheviks took power in Russia. An analysis has been conducted of Lenin’s writings and statements, but also of Trotsky and Stalin, and the consequences of their implementations (or not) have been followed both in the Soviet reality of first years after the coup, and throughout the whole period of existence of this “new type” of state.
The starting point of this article is the historiographical and political discussion around the concept of East-Central Europe, initiated in exile by Oskar Halecki. According to Halecki, Russia did not belong to Europe. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Halecki’s concept was adopted in Poland, one manifestation of which was the establishment of the Institute for Central and Eastern Europe, headed by Jerzy Kłoczowski. During the last decade, the concept was replaced by the vision of Three-Seas cooperation (referring to interwar concepts of intermarium) and the notion of Central Europe. After the full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine, a discussion on the divisions of Europe, including the idea of East-Central Europe, seems inevitable. <br>
The state authorities of the Second Polish Republic tried to maintain strict control over the Belarusian minority inhabiting in 1921–1939 the north-eastern voivodeships. Under a pretext of fighting against communism and counterchecking anti-states activities, the police, army, counter-intelligence and other services planted their informers in all social groups and communities, but mainly in political parties. A majority of informers were working for money. A universality of the surveillance system resulted in numerous distortions and persecutions of innocent people.
The stilyagi were the fi rst subculture in the Soviet Union, from the late 1940s to the early 1960s; they are regarded as part of the so-called “Generation ’52”. They were young people fascinated by American way of life. The topic of stilyagi subculture showed up again inRussia in connection with Valery Todorovsky’s film Stilyagi of 2008. The film provoked a discussion about the role played by the stilyagi within the soviet state: for some they were almost dissidents, while for others – degenerated gilded youth.
The study attempts to look at Old Polish translation strategies in the light of the evaluation of the early Renaissance translation work by an anonymous translator of one of Erasmus’ lesser-known works, ‘Lingua’. The article focuses not only on indicating and discussing the methods of translation, but above all on revealing – on the example of one plot – the thinking procedures of both authors, the aesthetics of words, the culture and pragmatics of transposing erudite resources, and finally – the intercultural dialogue that undoubtedly opens up every confrontation of the original with translation.
The study contains the reflection on the usefulness of the notion East-Central Europe as a historical region in the research on confessional relations in the early modern era. It begins with the description of the discussion on regionalization of European history, with particular emphasis on the frequently ideologized division into East and West. Next, the author recalls the genesis of the notion of East-Central Europe as a historical region, which was introduced after the Second World War by Oskar Halecki, and the popularization of this notion in the second half of the twentieth century. In the author’s opinion, the most important criterion in the evaluation of usefulness of this construct should be its research functionality checked not in syntheses or reviews, but in detailed research into specific problems, including comparative research.
The study deals with a criminal case examined by the Special Military Court at the High Command of the Home Army against the Home Army Officer Cadet Tadeusz Szatkowski aka Grom, serving at the post to receive airdrops near Końskie, charged with appropriation of money to the detriment of the Polish armed forces. The author examines the source material on which the criminal case and sentence were based together with questions related to its non-execution. He attempts to make a legal-criminal analysis of the case and the sentence in relation to both formal and legal conditions, and the validity of the sentence.
The study deals with one of the important episodes of the collapse of the Russian Empire. It analyses the changes of the Bolsheviks’ policy towards Finland, and resulting actions – from the initial recognition of independence of the former Great Duchy of Finland through attempts to provide it with revolutionary “brotherly aid”, to a peace treaty forced by the current circumstances after a defeat in the war with Poland and the failure of the concept of growing revolution.
The study deals with the mission of Antoni Potocki to Empress Anna Ivanovna on behalf of Primate Teodor Potocki carried out in July and August of 1730. It presents the process of consolidating the practice of appealing in Polish internal disputes to the mediation of Russia, and thus the gradual loss of sovereignty by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
The study is an analysis and interpretation of a scene from Łukasz Górnicki’s tragedy Troas (1589), a translation of Seneca’s Troades. A comparison to the original as well as the description of changes introduced by the translator serve to capture a special phenomenon of emphasising the analogy between Ulysses’s and a diplomat’s activity. Starting with the main character’s first line, the words: “durae minister sortis” were translated as “Ja, co poselstwo niosę”. The analysis of this issue shows that the role of Ulysses (who does not negotiate with a representative of a sovereign country, but with a captive woman) cannot be equated with the role of an ambassador. Conversely, it combines in itself the features characteristic of diplomatic staff of various ranks, including characters operating on the edge of the law. The consilium ascribed to Ulysses enables to explore the secret of Andromacha by observing physical symptoms of emotions. This makes it possible for Górnicki to define the main character’s ingenuity as “dowcip odwrócony na nice ”which, irrespective of Seneca’s original, refers to the terminology used earlier in Dworzanin polski, where dowcip (wit) is the equivalent of ingegno. Among the ethical elements of Ulysses’s speeches one should name, above all, his desire to convince Andromacha to accept the Greek’s line of argumentation. This, in turn, provides good framework for parallelism with the New Testament (Lk 2:35). The last part of the work, devoted to pathos, addresses the problem of a mismatch between the role of Ulysses and diplomacy codes in Górnicki’s times. The main character does not limit himself to conducting well thought-out negotiations, but he also uses direct violence. Similar dissonance in character construction seems to make the representation of diplomatic practices in Górnicki’s translation a problematic task, given the socio-political tensions in Europe in the second half of 16th century.
The study is an analysis and interpretation of a scene from Łukasz Górnicki’s tragedy Troas (1589), a translation of Seneca’s Troades. A comparison to the original as well as the description of changes introduced by the translator serve to capture a special phenomenon of emphasising the analogy between Ulysses’s and a diplomat’s activity. Starting with the main character’s first line, the words: “durae minister sortis” were translated as “Ja, co poselstwo niosę”. The analysis of this issue shows that the role of Ulysses (who does not negotiate with a representative of a sovereign country, but with a captive woman) cannot be equated with the role of an ambassador. Conversely, it combines in itself the features characteristic of diplomatic staff of various ranks, including characters operating on the edge of the law. The consilium ascribed to Ulysses enables to explore the secret of Andromacha by observing physical symptoms of emotions. This makes it possible for Górnicki to define the main character’s ingenuity as “dowcip odwrócony na nice” which, irrespective of Seneca’s original, refers to the terminology used earlier in Dworzanin polski, where dowcip (wit) is the equivalent of ingegno. Among the ethical elements of Ulysses’s speeches one should name, above all, his desire to convince Andromacha to accept the Greek’s line of argumentation. This, in turn, provides good framework for parallelism with the New Testament (Lk 2:35). The last part of the work, devoted to pathos, addresses the problem of a mismatch between the role of Ulysses and diplomacy codes in Górnicki’s times. The main character does not limit himself to conducting well thought-out negotiations, but he also uses direct violence. Similar dissonance in character construction seems to make the representation of diplomatic practices in Górnicki’s translation a problematic task, given the socio-political tensions in Europe in the second half of sixteenth century.
The study is an attempt to describe the diplomatic activities of Szymon Askenazy after the revival of the Polish state, and especially their least known chapter, which was his struggle for the shape of the borders of the reborn Republic of Poland in Geneva, 1921–1923. It was one of the hottest periods in the history of Polish diplomacy. Askenazy represented the interests of the reborn Poland, his chosen homeland. However, his actions did not always receive general approval of the main camps of Polish politics. He was also a spokesperson for the concept of Jews’ double consciousness: Jewish and Polish. In his opinion, Jews should maintain their religion and culture, but at the same time “let them combine it with a sense of Polishness and Polish patriotism”.
The study of the musical script in the Cistercian books in Silesia, undertaken with regard to the establishments made by researchers in the field of palaeography and book illumination, made it possible to identify other volumes of Lubiąż origin, greatly enlarging the number of known sources produced in this scriptorium. The article presents an up-to-date list of musical sources (20 pieces of music) produced in Lubiąż from the abbey’s foundation in the third quarter of the twelfth century to the mid-fourteenth century.
The study presents a comparative analysis of encomia included in noblemen’s orations and sermons delivered in the seventeenth century at the funerals of girls and maidens. The juxtaposition of texts belonging to two different genres places the issue of role models in a new light because the way of rhetorical amplification of the same laudatory topoi, which depends on the type of speech, turns out to have a fundamental influence on the model that emerges from the speech.
The subject of analysis is situation of the Church in Gdańsk in 1517–1522, on the eve of first manifestations of Reformation in this town, urban centre important for Royal Prussia and Poland. Basing on the literature on the subject, but mostly with the use of original self-existent documents preserved until our times: writings, letters and records on activities of the Bishop of Włocławek, the local ordinary, the author reconstructs in the article the course of events preceding actions of the first reformer of Gdańsk, Jacob Hegge. The essential goal of research is an answer to the question whether Reformation ferment initiated by Martin Luther had any influence on the situation of the Church in Gdańsk. The case of this town is compared with the situation in several others, in Poland and the Reich, such as Cracow, Lübeck, Hamburg.
The subject of analysis is the Polish-Italian film cooperation in 1971–1980. The article aims at a synthetic presentation of its course in the context of political and historical conditions of interstate cultural relations. The analysis covers the literature on the subject, specialist press, and archival documents to reflect the various forms of film cooperation.
The subject of research are all references to the Orthodox diocese of Chełm in the illustrated weekly Gazeta Ludowa. Tygodnik Ilustrowany in 1915–1918. The study is an attempt to discuss the functioning of the Orthodox eparchy in the Polish Kingdom during World War I in the face of its priests and a large number of its faithful sent to Russia.
The subject of the analysis areattempts to organize territorial self-defenceforce undertaken by the dietines of Kiev,Bracłav, and Chernihów palatinates in 1649–1650. The nobility of the Ukrainian palatinatesengulfed by the Cossack uprising, tookshelter in the territory of Volhynia, Ruthenia,and the Lublin region. They hoped, however,that after a ceasefi re with Khmelnytskythey would return to Ukraine, and thanksto their own self-defence armed forces theywould be able to restore order and peace.
The subject of the article are the celebrations of the anniversaries of important events of Polish history, such as the anniversary of regaining independence and others (mainly, the anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Versailles), organised after World War II by the National Party (SN) in Great Britain.
The subject of the article are the notes by Elias Maior – a vice-chancellor of St. Elisabeth-Gymnasium in Wrocław – included in his successive diaries – Schreibkalender – written in 1640–69. They make a rich source documenting the everyday life of Wrocław humanist elites. There are among Maior’s notes numerous references to music played both in public, and in private spheres.
The subject of the article is the story of the skirmish between St Olaf and Jarl Hákon Eriksson at Saudungssund (c. 1015) as recorded in Theodoricus Monachus’ Chronicle and the royal sagas. The comparative analysis highlights three aspects of the encounter: its bloodless nature, the deceit of stopping the ships with stretched ropes, and above all, the deception of Hákon by Olaf’s people posing as merchants.
The subject of the article isTomasz Siewierski’s monograph devoted toMarian Małowist and his pupils, being anattempt to combine an intellectual biography with research on the scientifi c school.The article reflects on the result of a combination of these two research conventionstogether with specifi c detailed issues relatedto them, with particular emphasis put onthe problem of Marxism in the work of themonograph’s protagonist.
The subject of the present review is a book intriguing both by its title and layout. At the same time, its author, Andrzej Nowak, is a historian whose scientific achievement is rich and widely commented on. The first part of the reviewed work comprises ten intriguing conversations with outstanding Polish and foreign historians, held by Andrzej Nowak over the past thirty years, such as Piotr Wandycz, Richard Pipes, Henryk Samsonowicz, and Antony Polonski. The second part consists of Nowak’s original essays written between 2009 and 2019 and devoted to Polish history’s most critical topics, with special emphasis on the history of the twentieth century.
The subject of the present source edition is a fragment of court accounts of Duke Władysław I of Płock from the years between 1434 and 1437. It is one of the very few materials of such type preserved in Mazovia. Such documents offer us a valuable insight into ducal courts, their members (in the broad sense of the term), and their expenses. The source being the subject of the present edition has survived in fragments in the collection of the Diocesan Archives in Płock. The specificity of the edition is that it is necessarily based on a copy of the accounts. The original was lost or destroyed during the Second World War; however, a pre-war copy made by Father Władysław Mąkowski has survived, containing nearly 160 account entries
The subject of the review is a selection of journalistic writings by Ignacy Matuszewski, prepared and foreworded by Sławomir Cenckiewicz. The author of the collected texts was an outstanding figure – an outspoken supporter of Piłsudski, organiser of military intelligence, diplomat and minister of the Second Polish Republic, as well as a leading columnist of the post--May camp and its leader in exile after 1939. In the light of the collected articles he appears as a brilliant political thinker, but above all as a great patriot of Independent Poland.
The subject of the studies is the phenomenon of making the diagnosis and undertaking treatment based on the patient’s perceived symptoms reported by correspondence. Diagnosing and treating a patient from a distance – without prior examination and visual observation of symptoms – was practised during the Renaissance. Patients used this form of therapy when they had no direct access to those doctors who enjoyed the most fame in the medical community and at courts.
The subject of this article is the picture of Poland’s place in Europe at the end of 1938 and beginning of 1939, presented in two brochures published at the time by Roman Knoll and Juliusz Łukasiewicz. Both authors belonged to the group of prominent diplomats of the Second Republic of Poland. Knoll presented Poland as a country threatened by the aggression of the Third Reich; he also saw the possibility of concluding an anti-Polish German-Soviet pact. Łukasiewicz’s pamphlet, on the other hand, inscribed into the series of propaganda literature of the National Unity Camp (Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego), which saw the then Republic of Poland at least as a European regional power.
Suleja W., Józef Piłsudski, Wrocław 1995.
The sum of the considerations makes it possible to discuss the circumstances of King Alexander I’s assassination in great detail, impossible to find collected in one volume. At the same time it reveals the neglect of the contemporary French police and explains ‒ at least in part ‒ the plot to kill the Yugoslavian king.
Szymon Askenazy was one of the most eminent Polish historians of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. At the University of Lwów, he created a historical school from which outstanding scholars emerged. Its hallmark was the publishing series entitled “Monographs in Modern History”. Askenazy’s private seminar was attended by students representing various political views. Among them was a strong group of National Democracy sympathisers and members of the Association of the Polish Youth “Zet”. Kazimierz Woźnicki, associated with it, did not study in Lwów but cooperated with Askenazy, who saw in him a well-educated representative of the younger generation, capable not only of meeting academic challenges but also of becoming involved in the defence of the Polish cause. <br>
The territory of Polesia in the interwar period was an area of competition between the national movements of Belarusian, Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian communities. In the Polesia Province, the scope of activity and intensification of national factors were not the same. An influence of the Belarusian movement was seen only in the north of the province, in the districts of Kosava and Pruzhany. The more active in Polesia Ukrainian movement was the strongest in southern, and south-western districts: of Brest on the Bug, Kobryn, and Kamin-Kashyrskyi. Russians were the most successful in the cities of Brest and Pinsk, and in the eastern part of the region, in the neighbourhood of the towns of Luninets and Davyd-Haradok, where influences of the Belarusian and Ukrainian movements were minimal. But the idea of “the great Russian nation” was gradually becoming an anachronism within the borders of the Second Republic of Poland.Poland was an active player in the arena of national affairs in Polesia, as it sought to gain thesupport of local people through a unification policy of the state apparatus. The apogee of the Polonization action was in 1932–1939, after the office of Polesia voivode was taken by Col. Wacław Kostka-Biernacki. Activists of various national movements in Polesia were actively fought against by the State authorities. The voivodeship administration hampered all non-Polish national agitation among inhabitants of the region. The government of the Second Polish Republic did not succeed in combating civilisational backwardness in Polesia. An average inhabitant of the region was, in the first place, a member of his local rural community and often had no idea that for the State administration he was a Pole, for an Orthodox priest he was a Russian, and for a radical rural intellectual – a Belarusian or Ukrainian. A passive attitude of the majority of local people towards the question of nationality was still common at the end of the interwar period.
The text analyses the fate of Polish economic emigration in France during the economic crisis. The article focuses on the difficult existence of Poles, dependent on the internal politics of France, related to the application of numerous restrictions, and on general Polish-French relations. Polish emigration became an instrument in the political games between the two countries and was, in a way, a burden for both sides.
The text analyses the Polish-British relations between the Sudeten crisis and 31 March 1939, with an emphasis on London’s economic interest in Poland in the context of British efforts to establish such ties in Central and South-Eastern Europe. The text focuses on the question of how many indirect sources of British guarantees for Poland could be sought during this period. The author reminds the reader that they were secondary to the appease-ment then being implemented. <br>
The text attempts to present how the Great War’s impact on emancipation processes and changes in the relationship between the genders were seen in the women’s press. An analysis was conducted of the series of articles by Cecylia Walewska entitled ‘The differentiation of the female type after the war’, published in the weekly Bluszcz in 1927; the series has been confronted with other voices appearing in the interwar press and with the realities of life at that time.
The text contains large fragments of the memoirs by Władysław Piłatowski, a high official of the Supreme Audit Office (SAO). In 1980–81, he played a leading role in disclosing fraud and corruption practices committed by members of a broadly understood ruling team of Edward Gierek. He was instrumental in publicising the case of illegal building investments. In his memoirs, Piłatowski presents his own view of the circumstances leading to the inspection, its various meanders, and consequences of the making the results of the SOA inspectors public.
The text continues the reflections (“In the Realmof Myth, or What Did Not Determine the 1697 Election of Augus-tus II to the Polish Throne” [KH 129, 2022,4, pp.797–821]). Its purpose is to establish what really decided in the last days of the 1697 Election Sejm that, in a split election, the Polish nobility chose, alongside French Prince François Louis de Conti, the least expected candidate— a convert from Lutheranism, the Saxon Elector Friedrich August I Wettin (August II). The author reconstructs the last days of the Sejm, confronting diplomatic and diary relations with the records of the Sejm proceedings.
The text deals with the nineteenth-century space of London and social inequalities seen through the prism of G. W. M. Reynolds’ penny part serialized novel, The Mysteries of London. The popular novel was not only a product of emerging mass culture, but also an interesting social document. Its author presented a radical diagnosis of existing social inequalities in the form of a city mysteries novel.
The text describes the problems that were faced by single mothers seen through the prism of letters written to central government offices. The dramatic economic situation forced them to seek help from the highest authorities. As a result of social pressure, in 1974, Edward Gierek’s team established a child maintenance fund.
The text discusses Dorota Skotarczak’s 2022 academic publication, entitled „Stanisław Bareja. Jego czasy i filmy” [Stanisław Bareja. His Times and Films]. The author of the review article placed his study in the context of the history of People’s Poland.
The text edits and critically discusses previously unpublished correspondence conducted in 1943 between Rudolf Höss, commandant of the Nazi German concentration and extermination camp Auschwitz-Birkenau, and Fritz Bracht, a gauleiter of Upper Silesia. The camp, located in the Upper Silesian province, played an important role in Bracht’s local, national, and economic policies. For this reason, the gauleiter sought to maintain close cooperation and cordial contact with the camp authorities. <br>
The text embarks upon the motif of the evolution of the political reflections of Alcide De Gasperi, one of the key Italian politicians of the interwar period and the Prime Minister of Italy after 1945, in the face of a crisis of the democracy during the 1930s. The basic source for a reconstruction of De Gasperi’s views are the commentaries about international politics written by this Italian Christian Democrat for the bi-weekly ”l’Illustrazione Vaticana” in 1933–1938. By following the way in which he described political dynamics in Germany, France, and Spain it is possible to perceive the key topics of De Gasperi’s deliberations about politics in general: a defence of parliamentarianism, a critique of the pre-1929 free-market economy, and the need for a new social order, which the Italian politician discovered in personalism. Those three motifs merge in descriptions and assessments of events transpiring in the above–mentioned countries; moreover, they compromise the prime axes of the transformation of the Italian Christian-democratic doctrine into a mature ideology of a ruling party, which the Christian Democracy became after 1945.
The text is a contribution to the studies into the problems of adoption of nationalist orientation by a newly created state. It deals with the attitude of political groups wielding power in interwar Poland towards the indigenous Belarusian population. An analysis of public discourses conducted from the sociological perspective revealed the features characteristics of a nationalising state (in Rogers Brubaker’s understanding) in the attitudes of all camps of power and the unification of structures of the discourses they held.
The text is a critical analysis of Jack Goody’s theory of renaissances, which takes a closer look at how the author understood the renaissance and related phenomena. The deconstruction of the author’s statements, set in a broader critique of structuralist global history, reveals the shortcomings of this approach and its ineffectiveness in more detailed case studies.
The text is an analysis of a journal kept for forty years by Mieczysław Rakowski, presenting a universal, widely used source for the recent history of Poland. Special effort is made to emphasise the various changes introduced by the diary’s author during the preparation of the text for publication in 1998–2005; this made it possible to present a thorough critique of this source and put forward postulates as to its scholarly use in the future.
The text is an original attempt by the author to evaluate the historical knowledge on the Augustów Roundup, as well as a polemics with the findings of other historians and the activities of the Białystok Branch of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN).
The text is devoted to the history of the Department of General History at the Jagiellonian University in the final period of Polonization of the Faculty of Philosophy. It presents the turbulent time of the personnel exchange in 1869-72, and especially the efforts of Ksawery Liske and Wincenty Zakrzewski for a professorship at the University, supported by the recently appointed professor of Polish history, Józef Szujski. These historians initiated the process of professionalization of historical research in Cracow and Lwów (Lviv, Lemberg), jointly established the institutional back-up facilities, and introduced new educational standards by transferring the models of the German critical school to Poland.
The text is devoted to the School of Practical Mechanics organised at the Volhynian Gymnasium/Lyceum at Kremenets. The school had a practical character and was one of the first vocational schools in the territory of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
The text presents an analysis of the first Georgian free parliamentary elections in 1990. The author puts forward a thesis that the event was of primary importance for the beginnings of the fi rst period of the Georgian political transformation, which led to the regaining of independence. It was characterised by introducing new political organisations and parties to the political scene, which ended the communist one-party system in Georgia.
The text presents an overview of the state of Polish historiography after 1989 seen from the perspective of the sociology of science, in particular the so-called critical sociology. It points, firstly, to the main achievements, weaknesses, and potential directions for the development of disciplines, especially global history; secondly, to the history of empires, closely related to global history; and thirdly, to the study of the history of modernity in its various understandings and forms.
The text presents examples of ego-documents (or personal documents) of peasants, here understood narrowly as letters and diaries, as sources for research into the history of the Polish Kingdom in the second half of the nineteenth century. A brief introduction to ego-documents as source material used in historical work is followed by a discussion of successive collections of letters (sent to periodicals, correspondence of emigrants and exiles) and diaries (including competition ones). Finally, the text presents a general overview of the peasants’ ego-documents as acollection of source material with suggestions for the future direction of research <br>
The text presents political opinions of one of the leading politicians of the early twentieth century – the last Armenian Catholic archbishop – Józef Teofil Teodorowicz. His attitude towards the irredentist movement developing in the Polish lands is analysed, and then his choice of a political option at the outbreak of the Great War together with his attitude towards the Supreme National Council (SNC). Archbishop Teodorowicz’s views on the most important events occurring in the Polish lands up to the end of 1917 are presented.
The text presents the edition of the document describing the last days of Stefan Batory’s life and conducted after death of king post-mortem examination. The document was created right after the death of Batory in 1586, and Jakub Gosławski is most likely his author. The source describes ailments of the monarch and the course of disease, including therapy applied by royal physicians. The original of the document wasn’t found, and two kept copies are in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw and at the Czartoryski Library in Cracow. This edition compares the copies, demonstrating important diff erences between them, especially discrepancies in the protocol of the post-mortem examination.
The text presents the history of an informal movement of young people from Grodno, interconnected in the 1980s by a fascination with Polish music, mainly rock. From the name of a popular program “TV Hit-Parade” (TLP) they called themselves people of TLP. Their special interests are presented in a socio-political context including possibilities of their development in the realities of the last decade of the USSR. Important aspect is the impact of music on the lifestyle of young people, the reactions of their environment, and the importance of shaping their attitudes.
The text presents the history of the underground publishing house Wydawnictwo Dobra Powszedniego, created during martial law at Ryjewo in the north of Poland on the initiative of the University of Gdańsk students. Based on archival research and oral accounts, this article presents the origins of the underground publishing house, identifies the places and ways of printing (as well as some of the publications) and describes the distribution system. The text also focuses on the local specificities of this publishing initiative and on related organisational problems.
The text presents the most important problems of the everyday life digging legionaries during the Great War, from matters of provision, through health problems and counteracting of demoralisation, to the occupation of their leisure time. On the basis of preserved memoirs an analysis was conducted of changes in the life of young people maturing in the Legions.
The text presents the structure and operation principles of the Russian military censorship during the First World War. Censorship structures existed separately in the land army and the navy. It operated in two areas: control of letters (correspondence) and control of printed texts (mainly the press). Its task was to find information of military significance in the content of a letter and remove it. This was to counteract the possibility of both spying for the enemy and unintentionally revealing important information. Attempts were also made to recognise the mood among the troops and the public attitude to the war. In the documents that have been preserved on the military censorship, most of the information refers to combat operations and the mood of the Russian army, but there were also mentions of Polish military formations.
The text presents three cases of criminal trials held in the 1930s against the Polish population remaining in Soviet Ukraine (regions of Vinnytsia, Odesa, and Kamianets-Po-dilskyi). All ended with sentences of death by firing squad. Years later, the murdered were recognised as victims of the totalitarian system, thus obtaining posthumous rehabilitation and symbolic sentence exoneration.
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