Abstract - Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization PAS

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The year 2015 was a turning point for the migration and asylum system in the EU and Greece. Almost 900,000 migrants and refugees crossed Turkey’s land and sea borders on their way to Europe. The so-called ‘migration and refugee crisis’ dominated the academic and political discourse and provoked different reactions from local communities, civil society and long-time resident migrants. Especially in rural areas, the newly arriving refugees triggered different reactions from the local population. At the same time, accommodating the refugees and facilitating their integration into rural localities created additional infrastructure needs. Drawing on the theoretical discussion on migrant infrastructures’ and ‘arrival infrastructures’, the main objective of this paper is to discuss the different manifestations of migrant infrastructures in rural communities, in Western Greece in particular. The paper draws on a recent empirical study conducted in the framework of a project that explored territorial inequalities and the links with different forms of mobility in both urban (Attiki Region) and rural areas of Greece (Western Greece Region). While the discussion on arrival infrastructures mainly relates to urban settings, in this paper we argue that the rural context informs and enriches the debate, allowing to be considered in terms of non-fixed assemblages of institutional (formal) and non-institutional (informal) arrangements that fulfil both tangible and less tangible needs and requirements. Forging better links between the migration infrastructures approach and the formulation of imaginaries and characteristics of wellbeing will enable a better understanding of refugee agency, and one more informed by social theory <br>
‘Zeitenwende’ as announced by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in relation to Ukraine suggests the retrenchment of ‘territorialism’. I discuss this with a focus on Poland. Western Ukraine has after all been Eastern Poland until becoming part of the Ukrainian SSR in 1939. Enlarged with Crimea, the same SSR declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 at a time when Poland was aiming to join the EU and NATO. Now, Poland is a conduit of assistance, military or otherwise to Ukraine. In due course she may need to reconsider her aspiration, as good as fulfilled now, for being a consolidated nation-state. The alternative in 1919 was something like the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of old. That model may become relevant once more. If so, then this would be like my alternative – neo-medievalism – to a territorialism under which nation-states are the exclusive building blocks of the international order. Neo-medievalism stands for political action, including defence, no longer being the exclusive province of the territorial nation-state. If so, then thinking about the state as if it were the owner on behalf of the nation of its territory needs to adapt. <br>
The zonal index, version for Central Europe (called ‘for Poland’), was proposed by Lityński. He calculated the pressure difference between latitudes 40° and 65°N on the zone 0-35°E. This paper presents the characteristics of the zonal index based on Lityński’s concept and the NCEP/NCAR grid data. A statistically significant increase (1948-2016) occurs in mean values of the zonal index for winter and for the entire year, as well as in the standard deviation and 99 percentile of zonal index. The annual course of the zonal index is evident.
zubr (European bison)

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