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Repozytoria RCIN
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INSTYTUT ARCHEOLOGII I ETNOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT BADAŃ LITERACKICH POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT BADAWCZY LEŚNICTWA
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INSTYTUT BIOLOGII DOŚWIADCZALNEJ IM. MARCELEGO NENCKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT BIOLOGII SSAKÓW POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT CHEMII FIZYCZNEJ PAN
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INSTYTUT CHEMII ORGANICZNEJ PAN
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INSTYTUT FILOZOFII I SOCJOLOGII PAN
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INSTYTUT GEOGRAFII I PRZESTRZENNEGO ZAGOSPODAROWANIA PAN
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INSTYTUT HISTORII im. TADEUSZA MANTEUFFLA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT JĘZYKA POLSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT MATEMATYCZNY PAN
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INSTYTUT MEDYCYNY DOŚWIADCZALNEJ I KLINICZNEJ IM.MIROSŁAWA MOSSAKOWSKIEGO POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT PODSTAWOWYCH PROBLEMÓW TECHNIKI PAN
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INSTYTUT SLAWISTYKI PAN
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SIEĆ BADAWCZA ŁUKASIEWICZ - INSTYTUT TECHNOLOGII MATERIAŁÓW ELEKTRONICZNYCH
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MUZEUM I INSTYTUT ZOOLOGII POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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INSTYTUT BADAŃ SYSTEMOWYCH PAN
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INSTYTUT BOTANIKI IM. WŁADYSŁAWA SZAFERA POLSKIEJ AKADEMII NAUK
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- 1 II 1916 r. podczas niemieckiej okupacji Warszawy na mocy porozumienia między prezesem Komitetu Obywatelskiego ks. Zdzisławem Lubomirskim a prezydentem Cesarsko-Niemieckiej Policji Ernstem von Glasenappem powstała Milicja Miejska, jako zawodowa i płatna polska służba bezpieczeństwa w mieście, podporządkowana władzom niemieckim. Na czele Milicji stanął książę Franciszek Pius Radziwiłł. Milicja realizowała zadania porządkowe na ulicach, nadzorowała sprawy gospodarcze, budowlane i sanitarne miasta.
- The 1335 foundation (chartering) of Kazimierz, the town situated beside Cracow, was a difficult venture as a group of settlers had to be brought from another strong urban centre. Owing to the memory of the rebellion led by alderman (vogt) Albert and due to the political situation, Casimir III the Great most probably sought assistance from the town of Sandomierz in an attempt to find an optimum solution. This supposition is confirmed by the fact that the king favoured the town after 1335 and, even more importantly, that the foundation charter and one of the first documents for the new commune were issued at Sandomierz. A close relationship between Sandomierz and Kazimierz is observable for the subsequent years.
- 14 września 1514 r. w okolicach miasta Orsza połączone siły polsko-litewskie pokonały wojska moskiewskie. Wśród wielu tekstów upamiętniających bitwę znajdują się również mapy, wydane drukiem między rokiem 1526 a połową XVII w. Autor dowodzi, że każde odwzorowanie kartograficzne bitwy może być interpretowane jako przykład renesansowej polityki pamięci. Bitwa mogła być elementem propagandy dynastycznej Jagiellonów, argumentem w rywalizacji między Rusią Litewską a Moskwą, fragmentem dyskursu republikańskiego lub częścią narracji o wielkiej przeszłości Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. <br>
- 25 października 1642 r. krakowianin Adam Fister zdał relację miejscowemu wójtowi o magicznych rytuałach odprawianych na prośbę lubeckiego kupca Kaspra Bekmana przez czarownicę w ogrodzie szpitalnym za murami miejskimi, nieopodal Bramy Floriańskiej. Wzmiankowany w źródle szpital-przytułek sąsiadował z cmentarzem, którego groby odkryto w 1837 r. Połączono je wtedy bezpodstawnie z braćmi polskimi, a współczesnym świadectwem tej fałszywej tradycji jest ul. Ariańska. Faktycznie szpital i cmentarz należały do miejscowej gminy luterańskiej, jej członkami byli zaś zapewne wymienieni w źródle krakowscy kupcy.
- 7 II 1911 r. na mocy uchwały Rady Narodowej powołano do życia Biuro Prasowe w Rzymie, będące filią francuskiej Agence Polonaise de Presse. Kierownictwo nad rzymską placówką objął Maciej Loret, lwowski historyk i wieloletni członek Ekspedycji Rzymskiej PAU. Dzięki zabiegom Loreta zapoznano włoską opinię publiczną oraz kręgi polityczno-kulturalne ze sprawą polską, a nawiązane kontakty z prasą oraz światem parlamentarnym i naukowym umożliwiły efektywniejszą akcję propagandową w czasie Wielkiej Wojny.
- A breakthrough in the political activity of Władysław Konopczyński took place in 1922 and involved winning the seat of a parliamentary deputy from the Popular–National Union ticket. Subsequently, Konopczyński remained in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland during a whole term of office (1922–1927), frequently speaking about education and schools of higher learning, and presenting motions concerning copyright, a statue on the freedom of assembly, and, predominantly, the introduction of the numerus clausus at universities and polytechnics. In 1925–1939 Konopczyński became actively involved in a struggle against the Piłsudskiites and reacted to the May 1926 coup d’état in a series of press articles criticising both the Marshal and his supporters. This uncompromising stance earned him many enemies within the ruling circles. The political career pursued by Konopczyński was not long–lasting; in 1930 he failed in the election to the Senate, and five years later resigned from all political endeavours due to his disapproval of the dictatorial tendency within the National Party. On the eve of the Second World War Konopczyński was an adherent of the Front Morges political alliance.
- A major part of this article is based on recently rendered available sources from the SBU State Archives in Kyiv and reconstructs the last months in the life of Father Jerzy Moskwa (1910– 1941) — a Jesuit missionary and courier of Pius XIII and Metropolitan Andrzej Szeptycki (Andrey Sheptytsky). Arrested in January 1941 during his trip from the Vatican to Lviv, Father Moskwa was interrogated by the NKGB and invigilated by two co–inmates, whose detailed reports make it possible to expand knowledge about the methods and techniques applied by the Soviet services, the political and missionary plans of the Vatican involving the Soviet Union, and the infiltration of the Church in Eastern Galicia. Moreover, they comprise a study of a confrontation of the stand of a zealous Christian, represented by Father Moskwa, and Soviet mentality represented by Yevhen Hromovenko, former chief of the Intelligence of Soviet Ukraine, whom the Jesuit was converting in the cell to Christianity.
- A new system of Polish-Lithuanian relations was shaped manly by the passivity of Poles inhabiting the eastern Lithuania in the plebiscite organised by the Lithuanian government on 9 February 1991, and a decision of the authorities of Vilnius and Šalčininkai (Polish: Sołeczniki) regions to hold a referendum, initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev, on the future of the Soviet Union to turn it into a new, loose confederation of states, which was not recognized by the Lithuanian authorities. Such an attitude of Lithuanian Poles was determined by several factors. Firstly, the Soviet social and economic structure; secondly, for a large part of people the old governments of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai districts and the memory of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic guaranteed stability and predictability. The soviet structures were more trusted than a newly introduced, not strong yet Lithuanian social and political order. The sense of threat was intensified by an unquestionable domination of Lithuanians on all levels of the new hierarchy. Social and political reforms were perceived by the Polish minority in Lithuania through the prism of a rule of the majority. For the rest of the Lithuanian society (except of the Russian minority) such an attitude was completely incomprehensible. In such complex geopolitical circumstances Poles from the regions of Vilnius and Šalčininkai decided to convene a congress of deputies of the Vilnius and Šalčininkai regions to Mostiškės. According to a project adopted at the Congress, the Vilnius district was to become “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit within the Lithuanian Republic”, with a broad political autonomy. In the opinion of Lithuanians, however, the region of Vilnius should not be “an autonomous administrative-territorial unit of the Lithuanian State”, but form a part of Lithuanian federation. This meant that the Poles wanted to enlarge the status of the Vilnius region and to strengthen its autonomy within Lithuania. The implementation of such a project would mean a decentralisation of the state. In a complex geopolitical situation of that time all attempts at the decentralisation of the country was regarded by the Lithuanian political elite as the threat of the security of the young Lithuanian state, its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
- A presentation of the way in which the staff of the Polish Embassy in Rome observed preparations for the Second Vatican Council in 1958–1962. The text belongs to a current of research analysing the attitude of the communists towards the Catholic Church and relations between communist states and the Vatican. The author provides information about diplomats who obtained data concerning the Apostolic See and the titular preparations as well as their chief informers. He also indicated the cooperation between Polish diplomats and those of other communist countries regarding information exchange, joint policies vis a vis the See, and the participation in the Council of bishops from various member–countries of the Soviet sphere of influence. The article is based predominantly on material produced by the diplomatic service: dispatches, notes, reports, and analyses by the staff of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of Poland in Rome.
- A rise of interest in issues of heredity and advances in medicine in the nineteenth century resulted in the widespread medicalization of social phenomena. Theories formulated in the field of natural sciences increasingly served as a tool to explain unacceptable patterns of social behaviour, including prostitution which began to be seen as a biologically determined condition. As a main channel for the spread of STDs – some of them potentially transmissible across generations (congenital syphilis) – prostitution became one of the major concerns of medical professionals. Thus, what was previously a sin and an insult to middle-class moral standards, now came to be seen as a health menace to the entire population. In times of increased competition between nation-states, the latter argument played an even more important role, and the ruling elites sought to tighten control over what they perceived as ‘dangerous bodies’. As campaigners against the ‘great social evil’ also analysed prostitutes’ social milieu, discourses on the causes of prostitution were highly confusing. One source of confusion was Morel’s theory of degeneration, in which the author skilfully combined environmental influence with the concept of hereditary pathology. Additionally, some authors still adhered to a much older explanation for social ills. The construction of an evil ‘Other’ – typically unscrupulous Jew – responsible for planting various physical and/or moral ‘plagues’ in a victimized population, thus threatening its biological existence. The fear of deterioration, inevitably leading to extinction, unified proponents of old-style and modernist anti-vice campaigners. This article offers an overview of expert narratives on the causes of prostitution in the early decades of twentieth century Poland.
- A statue on the Office for State Protection (Urząd Ochrony Państwa — UOP) was passed on 6 April 1990 upon a tide of transformations commenced by the Round Table debates held a year earlier. The implementation of this legal act is regarded as the date of the inauguration of shaping the special services of an independent Republic of Poland. The article attempts to describe the transformation of the communist state security organs — the Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs — into a state protection service (such as the UOP). The characteristic feature of this process was its considerable dynamics, since in the course of only several months it achieved a formal conversion of the political police, which mainly combated the democratic opposition, into a social service whose domain of activity was totally different from that of its predecessor. The article called for an analysis of a process aiming at the establishment of new special services via a number of key formal–legal documents — the outcome of a sequence of political and organisational events. The sources on which the article is based are composed, first and foremost, of documents in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance, and in particular material describing the transformation of the SB into the UOP and the verification of the functionaries, conducted in the spring of 1990. Supplementary material originates from the archive of the Chancellery of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and legal acts pertaining to the described problem, i.a. laws, ordinances, and orders.
- Aaron Aleksander Olizarowski, prawnik i autor "De politica hominum societate" (1651), reinterpretował strukturę Arystotelesowskiej filozofii praktycznej i oparł swoją koncepcję wspólnoty politycznej na znanym w prawie rzymskim pojęciu „spółki” (societas). W tych zabiegach wyraża się oryginalny charakter całego traktatu, który stanowi ważny dokument dialogu Rzeczypospolitej z Zachodem na temat sprawiedliwego ustroju społecznego.
- Adamczyk A., Bogusław Miedziński (1891–1972). Biografia polityczna, Toruń 2000.
- After the re-Catholization of the Free Imperial City of Aachen (1611–16), Protestant congregations were forced to operate underground until the Reformed Church – openly supported by the Dutch States General – found a new place of refuge in the neighbouring Dutch village of Vaals. Ca. 1680, Vaals developed into a multiconfessional site of religious freedom where Roman Catholics, Germanand Frenchspeaking Reformed, Lutherans, and Mennonites lived peacefully side by side. With the exception of everyday controversies in the early decades, the preachers of different Protestant congregations worked together. Violence on religious grounds was not part of daily life in Vaals, although it did at times intrude from the outside. Examples of this were the violent attacks on Protestant churchgoers in the middle of the eighteenth century, which were carried out by lower-class Catholics from Aachen. The Catholic clergy, on the other hand, did not engage in hate sermons. Moreover, the presence of Jews did not cause problems in Vaals and the only documented action against Jewish property was not motivated by anti-Judaism. For the Protestants of this distinctly Catholic area, Vaals became an important place of refuge for the public exercise of their faith. The diverse congregations that worshipped in Vaals knew how to cope with each other’s presence in a peaceful manner during everyday life.
- Agresja Związku Sowieckiego na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. postawiła Królestwo Rumunii przed sprawą udzielenia jej pomocy, do której było zobligowane aliansem funkcjonującym od 1921 r. Kierownicy rumuńskiej nawy państwowej obawiali się podzielenia losu Rzeczypospolitej będącej ofiarą nie tylko ZSRR, ale broniącej się od przeszło dwóch tygodni przed napaścią III Rzeszy. Pragnąc uchronić swój kraj przed katastrofą poszukiwali sposobu uchylenia się od obowiązków sojuszniczych wobec Polski. Tymczasem polskie sfery rządzące w obliczu nieuchronnej klęski podjęły działania na rzecz przeniesienia politycznego kierownictwa państwa do Francji, chcąc u boku aliantów zachodnich kontynuować wojnę do zwycięskiego końca. Aby tam się znaleźć konieczne było uzyskanie od Rumunów zgody na przejazd do jednego z ich portów, by stamtąd móc kontynuować dalszą podróż. Zagrożenie inwazją sowiecką i niemiecką, sprawiało, iż władze w Bukareszcie korzystając z dość naciąganych powodów zdecydowały się na internowanie polskiej ekipy rządzącej.
- The aim of the article is to supplement the knowledge of the German origin of Marcin Siennik by, among many other things, the information concerning his Protestant denomination, which influenced the way in which some fragments of the originally Italian The Secrets of the Reverend Master Alexis of Piemont(Venice, 1555) were translated into Polish, and at the same time to present the views and doings of Sebastian Śleszkowski, the publisher of the second edition of the Polish translation of The Secrets (Kraków, 1620).
- The aim of the paper is to examine, using the comparative perspective, how politicians and historians perceived the ideas applied in the process of formation of the states of Poland and Czechoslovakia. The situation in the period of 1918–20 seemed to be open to various opportunities for constituting and cooperation of independent countries, but not all these opportunities were acceptable at that time. Although some of them had a stabilising potential, the official narrative became the foundation for national historiography. The traditional master narrative (roles of Masaryk, Dmowski, Piłsudski), interrupted by the caesura of the 1945/54–89 period, understandably affects the current understanding of a state and celebration of its anniversaries, which raises a need to find a paradigm of interpretation that deviates from the nation state. The author disputes the approach of historiography which considered military violence a defining element of the process of formation of a state. He regards choosing a perspective which explains the transfer of the traits of the founders to the states as social institutions (quasi-figures) to be beneficial. Using archival documents, he shows how Masaryk’s ideas of forming a New Europe were received in Poland and what image of the situation in Poland was presented to Masaryk. Criticism of the neighbouring state in the speeches of the members of the Sejm was instrumentalised with regard to the tensions in the home politics. That is why the author puts the dispute about the Seven-day War and the Polish-Ukrainian conflict into a broader perspective. <br>
- The aim of this article is to describe the transformation of the prison system during the years 1945–92 in Czechoslovakia. The following phases are analysed: the sovietisation process in the 1950s, the humanization and professionalization processes in the 1960s, the ambivalence between modernisation and repression in the 1970s and 1980s, and finally the democratisation that occurred after 1989. For each phase, it will be explained how the system was influenced by the concept of class struggle, mainly reflected in the approach to political prisoners, as well as a modernist-technocratic approach that gained priority at the time of the release of political prisoners in the 1960s. The aim is to show the dominant trends during this period and how the political and social context was reflected in the prison system.
- Ajnenkiel A., Polska po przewrocie majowym. Zarys dziejów politycznych Polski 1926–1939, Warszawa 1980.
- Algirdas Brazauskas należał do pokolenia, które dorastało w sowieckiej Litwie. Jako młody człowiek został członkiem partii komunistycznej, a następnie wysokim funkcjonariuszem partyjnym. W następnych latach podkreślał, że zawsze czuł się jednak bardziej Litwinem niż komunistą. W latach pieriestrojki Brazauskas zyskał opinię partyjnego reformatora i z poparciem Sajudisu został pierwszym sekretarzem Litewskiej Partii Komunistycznej. Doprowadził do zerwania łączności partii z KPZR. W 1990 r. był jednym z sygnatariuszy niepodległości Litwy, został także wicepremierem. Po rozpadzie ZSRR odzyskał znaczenie w litewskiej polityce. W latach 1993-1998 sprawował urząd prezydenta, a w latach 2001-2006 był premierem litewskiego rządu. Zmarł w 2010 r.
- Although Polish research on the Communist International (Comintern) history began in the interwar period, the existing literature does not constitute a highly-developed field. This becomes particularly evident when Polish studies are compared to research produced in Russia, Germany, the United States, and Italy, or even India and Korea. This state of affairs is, to some degree, a result of political conditions that influenced, and continue to influence, access to archival sources. For this reason, interest in the Comintern after 1989 closely resembles the situation in research on the history of the Communist Party of Poland (KPP), which was, after all, one of the sections of the Third International. In both cases – in research on the Comintern and on the KPP – the focus was on shedding light on historical “blind spots” rather than on developing systematic studies of political organisations. Largely thanks to Professor Jerzy W. Borejsza, improvements have become evident over the past two decades in Polish research on the Comintern and related issues. Indeed, many important case studies have emerged, although what Polish research still lacks are wide-ranging monographs and analytical syntheses. This paper offers a review of Polish historiography’s most important contributions to research on the Comintern, covering the period from the interwar era to the present. It also attempts to outline potential future perspectives in the field, including a brief overview of important international works.
- An ancient Etruscan settlement located in the Valdichiana, along the border between Tuscany and Umbria, Cortona has attracted renewed interest over the last two decades among historians of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Falling into this line of research is the publication of the communal statute from 1325, when the government handed the reins of power to the seigneurial regime revolving around Ranieri Casali. In the same year, Cortona became an episcopal seat and thus also gained the status of a city proper. Through a careful analysis of this extraordinarily rich source, the article outlines the salient aspects of the city’s economy and society, with a focus on its environmental resources and urban activities, the distribution of wealth and its poor relief, the condition of women, and the topography of social relations. The picture that emerges from this analysis is that of a lively and dynamic city, arguably at the peak of its development, at a time when many urban centres in Italy and across Europe were already experiencing a downturn after the economic expansion of the Middle Ages.
- An integral part in the nation-building processes unfolding in the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy was the formation of specific elite segments that could shepherd various ethnic or confessional communities towards modernity or help to preserve their national existence in the face of de-nationalising policies. Over time, the establishment of a legal elite – graduates of law academies and faculties – assumed an increasingly important role, especially for national minorities. The present paper attempts to tally the results of the collective endeavour on the part of the Romanians in Dualist Hungary to forge this elite segment by focusing on the swansong moment of Romanian petitioning, the Memorandum trial of 1894. It examines the impromptu selection of local members of the Romanian legal elite in Hungary, occasioned by the need to defend the leadership of the Romanian national movement in the courtroom, and discusses their educational and professional backgrounds. It also shines a light on the contrary positions taken by other members of the national leadership – also a segment of this legal elite – and the ensuing conflicts between and among the national leadership as both groups tried in their own way to defend the Romanian national movement.
- Angelo Maria Durini był nuncjuszem w Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1767– 1772. Historycy nieraz zastanawiali się, czy tylko reprezentował stanowisko papieża, czy też wychodził poza jego instrukcje. Postawa Duriniego dyplomaty oraz stosunki z opozycją antykrólewską zdają się sugerować nie tyle przekraczanie kompetencji, co jednostronne podejście do papieskich dyrektyw, którym nieobca była koncepcja kompromisu.
- Apogeum zimnej wojny w Europie początków lat 50. XX wieku objawiało się nie tylko zamrożeniem kontaktów politycznych i gospodarczych między krajami pozostającymi po obu stronach „żelaznej kurtyny”. Oznaczało ono również konfrontację obejmującą relacje na polu kultury, która coraz częściej była podporządkowana „wielkiej polityce”. Epizodem tej zimnej wojny jest sprawa wystawy „Al di là”, otwartej w 1953 r. we Włoszech i wzbudzającej kontrowersje nie tylko w polityce wewnętrznej tego kraju, jak też w stosunkach Rzymu z krajami bloku wschodniego, w tym z Polską. Niniejszy artykuł skupia się na tych wewnątrz włoskich kontekstach oraz na roli wystawy w relacjach polsko-włoskich.
- Archeolodzy badający zabudowę rezydencjonalną Daniela Romanowicza na Górze Katedralnej w Chełmie (XIII w.) mają godną uwagi płaszczyznę porównań dokonywanych odkryć, z tekstem „Kroniki halicko-wołyńskiej”. Jest wysoce prawdopodobne, że przynajmniej niektóre spośród zamieszczonych w „Kronice” opisów miejsc i obiektów pochodzić mogą z pierwszej ręki. W artykule przedstawiono dylematy archeologa, który mając do dyspozycji różne kategorie danych, próbuje je konfrontować z zapisami kronikarskimi.
- The architectural competition held in 1910 to design a “Great Kraków” was undoubtedly the most important event in Polish urban planning before 1918. It is not without reason that it was regarded as one of the breakthroughs, marking the beginnings of the “modern” rebuilding of Polish cities. At the same time, it inscribed to a longer worldwide chain of events related to urban planning “around the year 1910”, that included, among others, competitions for “Great Copenhagen” (1908–1909), “Great Berlin” (1909–1910), the plan of Chicago by Daniel Burnham and Edward H. Bennett (1909), and the competition for a plan of Canberra (1912). Despite its great significance, the Kraków competition has however not been thoroughly researched yet, especially regarding the designs that did not win awards, by Sylwester Pajzderski, and those that were purchased, by Ignacy Drexler and Juliusz Oleś with Szymon Weinberg. This article, while not pretending to exhaust the entire breadth and depth of the Kraków competition and submitted projects, focuses on the way in which the idea of Stadtbaukunst, the art of city building—such an important factor of urban planning theory at the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries—was reflected in these projects, together with the question of what constituted a “beautiful city”. There is no doubt that the ideas were mirrored in the competition designs, as they were also echoed in the competition programme. However, it was not always that the pursuit of making “beautiful Kraków” was compatible with the demands of the art of city building; often the participants postulated transformations, at times quite significant ones, of the historic substance of the city. Nevertheless, none of the designs presented a concrete vision of the coherent, mainly symbolic identity of the future “Great Kraków”. The participants seemed to have focused their attention mainly on attempts to transform Kraków into a healthy and convenient city to live in; thus, to direct it towards modernity.
- Archiwum Telewizji Polskiej jest wielce zasobne, ale trudno dostępne. Poza samą TVP wiedza na temat zasad gromadzenia i stanu zachowania jest mizerna, co dotyczy zwłaszcza nagrań. Dlatego zasadne wydaje się przybliżenie wiedzy o Archiwum TVP, o tym, czego można w nim poszukiwać, a zwłaszcza o tym, czego nie uda się tam znaleźć.
- The aristocratic titles, which the partitioning monarchies granted to some of their Polish noble subjects in the long nineteenth century, did not play a decisive role in the development and formation of the modern Polish noble elite. The foreign titles could only sanction the internal noble hierarchy, which was apparently much more determined by specific noble traditions and the cult of the pre-partition past. This argument is evidenced by the cases of families which did not need formal title grants to be recognized as truly aristocratic in that period.
- Art. 256 traktatu wersalskiego sankcjonował prawo państw sukcesyjnych do przejęcia całego majątku państwowego Rzeszy i państw niemieckich, znajdującego się na obszarach odstąpionych przez nie nowo powstałym państwom. Techniczną stronę wykonania tego postanowienia na terytorium byłej dzielnicy pruskiej regulowała w głównej mierze podpisana w Berlinie 25 XI 1919 r. polsko-niemiecka Umowa o oddaniu zarządu cywilnego. Akcja przejmowania państwowej własności celnej, zainicjowana w województwie poznańskim już w styczniu 1920 r. dobiegła końca w końcu stycznia 1921 r.
- The article aims at showing in a new light the confessional situation of the University of Cracow in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, using sources omitted in previous research into the topic and thanks to a more detailed analysis of the sources used by other scholars (e.g., Acta rectoralia, university conclusions, rectors’ and professors’ diaries). The Academy of Cracow (as it was called then) was a Catholic institution, thus portraying the attitude of the university’s authorities to non-Catholics in a period of confessional struggle in Cracow and in the Commonwealth seemed promising. Another point was to analyse the possibilities for non-Catholics to function within the walls of the University in different periods of time, as well as to describe the most important events and regulations, which influenced the University’s policy. The author also tried to bring to light the subsequent stages of administrative exclusion (on various levels) of non-Catholic students. However, the contacts of the Academy with religious minorities in Cracow is a matter so complex, that it remained beyond the scope of the article.
- The article also largely examines Austro–Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied in specialized literature. Yet, before the spring of 1918 and to a certain extent even later, Vienna regarded the USA as a possible partner in its efforts to conclude peace. Studying Austro–Hungarian sources, the article analyzes in detail the development of Austro–Hungarian policy, which lacked a unified theme. In this respect, the article also mentions the devastating effect of the Sixtus Affair (April 1918) on the reputation of Austria– Hungary in the USA. Another conclusion of this article is the findings that in Austria–Hungary in the spring and summer of 1918, surprisingly scarce attention was paid to the US policy vis–à– vis Central Europe.
- The article analyses selected aspects of the biography of Reinhart Koselleck (1923–2006), a German historian and theoretician of history. In particular, it brings to the fore significant traces of the Second World War experiences of the author of Kritik und Krise. Further, it looks at their influence on Koselleck’s critical approach to the concept of collective memory and on the anti-utopian thrust of his historical theory. <br>
- The article analyses the religious topography of Słuck (today, Sluck in Belarus). Słuck was an important hub of Orthodoxy and Protestantism in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; moreover, 38 percent of its population was Jewish. Detailed analysis of legal documents and urban inventories showed that there were areas within the town bounds which were reserved for the Christian communities active there. The spatial balance was upset in the former half of the eighteenth century, with Catholic orders brought into the town. The Jews were the only group that was legally barred from choosing a place to reside. The municipal authorities endeavoured to restrict the Jewish settlement to one street. Members of Jewish financial elite were the only ones to succeed in crossing the legal boundaries and settle down at the ‘Christian’ streets ofSłuck.
- The article analyses underground publishing in Wrocław from 1979 to 1989 upon the basis of examples of the most prominent publishers (Kooperatywa Wydawnicza “Wyzwolenie”, Agencja Informacyjna Solidarności Walczącej/Agencja Wydawnicza Solidarności, Inicjatywa Wydawnicza Aspekt, Wydawnictwo Profil); in this way the author recreated the character of “second circulation” publishing and the way in which it functioned in that particular town. In doing so, K. Dworaczek discussed the shape of particular structures, their publishing accomplishments, the use of printing techniques, and people involved in the opposition. He also attempted to resolve the question about the extent to which the image of underground printing in Wrocław was characteristic for a similar sized town and to which its features included a distinctive specificity. The analysis is divided into two fundamental parts: the first encompasses a period to 1980, i.e. the activity of the so-called pre-August opposition (prior to the establishment of the “Solidarity” trade union), while the second is about the years 1982–1989, i.e. the period of the underground ”Solidarity”.
- The article applies a comparative perspective to assess the onset of the two ‘successful’ eighteen-century revolutions – the American and the French. The Boston events of March 1770 are compared with those of Paris in July 1789: in both cases ‘the people’ faced the soldiers, riots and politically generated violence led to bloodshed, but the subsequent actions of the insurgents showed a marked difference in understanding the sense of justice and the ways of promoting revolutionary discourse. Boston patriots relied on the English-based system of common law, were ready to condemn their own radicals and did not wish plebeian justice to prevail. They hoped for a perestroika, not for a revolution. The French – finding no culprits to condemn, and having as of yet no legal institutions of their own to use – were willing to disregard the legal continuity of the state and to search for more radical solutions.
- The article argues that two primary roles were prevalently identified for dogs in the period concerned: for one thing, dogs were perceived as objects of human malevolence or at least dislike; this had to do with the dissemination of disease – particularly, rabies, dangerous to humans. For another, the dog was represented as a victim of cruelty. The exchange of arguments between adherents of different solutions to the ‘canine question’ (dog-pounds and culling vs. shelters) grew emotion-imbued, especially in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The press published voices of protest against mass killings of dogs and reinstatement of dogcatcher’s establishments. Eminent scientists, artists, cultural workers sent requests or appeals in these respects to the authorities. This ‘canine campaign’ led to the adoption, in 1961–2, of legal acts designed to make the methods of dealing with homeless animals ‘civilised’, but they did not bring about a breakthrough in the way dogs were treated or dealt with in post-war Poland. The campaign demonstrated that an active group of dog lovers got formed in the People’s Republic. In this sense, it can be said that dogs became an object of human care (the latter topic not having been subject to the research on which the following text is based).
- The article begins with an analysis of a modern relic and of relics in general. This leads to a twofold conclusion: we do not know of a society without relics; and the cult of relics is a cult of individuals, groups, or events these relics are believed to be related to. Relics therefore preserve the memories of those of whom they are relics. As such, they are tools of memorising, but not the only ones. Images, written texts, and recordings are also tools of memorising. Images and written texts belong to the class of objects called semiophors which contains all objects included in collections, the meaning of which depends upon the collection they are part of. It is therefore important to distinguish different types of collections: treasuries, private collections, museums (as well as libraries and archives), protected historical monuments, etc. The history of collections seen from this perspective appears to be tantamount to the history of the tools of memorisation, i.e. to the history of external memory preserved and contained in the objects. Recordings are not semiophors. They form a different class of objects because their meanings cannot be disclosed without special apparatuses which transform the physical traces left on them into images or sounds. Hence one may say they form a second belt of external memory, the first being formed by semiophors. The last and most recent belt is composed of all computers with their servers interconnected into the World Wide Web. This is a completely new type of tool of memorising, which duplicates all the previous ones and enables the user to retrieve an incomparably greater quantity of data, to do it much quicker, and to give virtual access to it to almost everybody.
- The article brings to light the relationship between politics and social sciences in interwar Poland in its local and transnational dimensions. It explores the beginnings of expertise in ethnology and the evolution of the discipline’s tools and methods as closely linked to the political goals of the interwar Polish state, and the post-coup Sanacja [Sanation] regime in particular. Ethnologists carried out fieldwork focused on multiethnic territories, such as Eastern Galicia, which were subjected to international territorial disputes. The collaboration with politicians and the administration – developed mostly in the framework of research institutes – was a source of inspiration and, at the same time, stiff competition between scientific schools. To illustrate some consequences of this collaboration, the article traces an argument over scientific approaches to the ‘ethnic question’ which involved ethnologists and empirical sociologists, and the connection of this argument to the objectivity principle in science. These different approaches reflect international theoretical and epistemological divisions at the time as much as they show the direct and indirect exchange of ideas within the European scholarship.
- The article comments on main trends in Polish historiography of the last 30 or so years. The author verifies predictions concerning said trends that had been made in the first years of the new millennium, to conclude that they proved too optimistic in some respects. Problems such as political instrumentalization of history loom large over Polish historiography and may distort its future development. Furthermore, the simplistic understanding of parametrization manifested by the last (2022) evaluation of academic institutions, further reduces freedom of research while it does nothing to eliminate political pressures on historians. In essence, the policy of science pursued by the Polish state does very little to support original research. <br>
- The article concentrates on anti-Jewish excesses in the Bulgarian territories of the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. The acts of violence against this group started at the very beginning of the war, when Russian and Cossack troops crossed the Danube and entered the city of Svishtov. Bulgarians joined the soldiers and together with them started to plunder Jewish district. Few of them died. The pogroms repeated in several different towns (especially in Stara Zagora and Kazanlak), where Jews were killed and Jewish houses robbed and plundered. The prevailing atmosphere of chaos and fear of retaliation by retreating Turkish troops aided local Slavic population in committing crimes and murders of Jews, who were sometimes accused also of being Turkish spies among Bulgarians. The only way of survival of the Jews was to fly into territories free of ongoing war campaign and many of them did so. Is seems, however, that the atrocities against the Jews did not, in general, influence their attitude towards Bulgarians. In many cities they helped Bulgarians and tried to provide safety and order for local populations. Bulgarian participation in the attacks denies the persistent in their national awareness ideal of being traditionally tolerant and free of anti-Semitism nation. The Russian and Cossack military troops also brought to the Bulgarian lands the idea of modern anti-Semitism, which previously based mainly on their culture and folklore.
- The article considers the post–war history of several hundred labour and NKVD camps located in the Baltic states, Central–Eastern Europe, and the Balkans. After wartime hostilities came to an end these regions became subjected to the strict control of the Soviet NKVD and the communist regime in particular countries. The Stalinist administration of such penal institutions remained clearly discernible to 1953. The death of Joseph Stalin did not put an end to the history of the labour camps in the titular region: they continued to exist, although in an increasingly more lenient form and with lesser Soviet presence. The geographic area of the reflections encompasses two symbolic penal institutions: Sillamäe in Estonia, on the Baltic, and the infamous Naked Island (Goli Otok) off the Adriatic coast. The line running from Estonia to Yugoslavia resembled, in its simplest form, the course of the Iron Curtain separating Western Europe from the Soviet sphere of influence, which included the Baltic states, ultimately incorporated into the Soviet Union, as well as Poland, the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia. The author included information about the localisation of the camps, their sizes and living conditions, as well as the universally applied repression against the inmates.
- The article contains a synthetic review of the most important subjects and directions of research in the field of the history of cities and townspeople in pre-partition Poland (to the end of the eighteenth century) based on scholarly publications from the last ten years. The author characterises the attitude of contemporary historians of cities towards questionnaires and research methods worked out in the second half of the twentieth century in the area of socio-economic history. He also outlines the prospects for the further development of Polish urban historiography, emphasising the importance of taking inspiration from the achievements of cultural anthropology and the cooperation of historians with representatives of other humanistic disciplines.
- The article deals with an outstanding Czech poet Jan Zahradníček (1905–60), who was arrested in 1951 and sentenced for 13 years of prison in a show trial. He was released during the general amnesty in 1960 and died in the same year. His tragic fate is depicted in several collections of poems written in prisons (Pankrác, Brno, Mírov, Leopoldov). The collections were saved and published and his poetic diary was found in Leopoldov prison 55 years after his death. Zahradníček’s poems in combination with the memories of contemporary witnesses and published interpretations of his work (Zdeněk Rotrekl, Rio Preisner, Radovan Zejda, Martin Putna) allow an exceptional view of the inner life of a person who was unjustly imprisoned in the times of communist purges in Czechoslovakia in the 1950s.
- The article deals with Polish academic culture and the gender order prevalent therein in the former half of the twentieth century. The protagonists are a group of women who worked, in the circumstances of their time, on their postdoctoral (habilitation) theses. In my perception, this was the group that initiated the processes of change in the gender relations in the academic environment. The struggle for recognition in the world of science is exemplarily shown on the basis of the professional trajectories of Helena Polaczkówna and Helena Willmann-Grabowska.
- The article deals with the activities of the General Procurators of the Teutonic Order regarding the Polish-Teutonic dispute in the first thirty years of the fifteenth century. Based on their dispatches sent to Marienburg, it can be assumed that the Procurators were not passive executors of the Grand Master’s orders. Their frequently occurring disagreements resulted not only from their distinctive personal qualities but also from their different perspectives on assessing what was in the best interest of the Teutonic Order. The Grand Masters lacked professional knowledge not only of law (especially canon law) but also of how the Roman curia functioned.
- The article deals with the activity of a special sabotage–Intelligence group of the Soviet NKGB, working under the cryptonym „Arsenal” and dropped in Central Poland in the autumn of 1944. The group’s fundamental task consisted of destroying „means of communication deployed by the opponent for transporting equipment, people, and ammunition” along the Łódź– Końskie rail line and the Piotrków Trybunalski–Radom arterial road. The realization of this task was considered strategic for an offensive of the 1st Belorussian Front. The article is based on 14 volumes of the „Arsenal” group documentation in the archive of the SBU State Archives in Kyiv. The documents in question include, i.a. personal files of agents working for the Ukrainian NKGB, who formed the group in question, and detailed operation material pertaining to its activity, including plans, dispatches, cryptograms, accounts, and reports by group members. These vast and unique sources make it possible to reconstruct the sabotage and Intelligence work performed by the concrete special group, including the disclosure of the personal data of its agents. In addition — and this is of particular importance — they facilitate following the specificity of the arrangement and organization of Soviet sabotage groups during the end stage of the war, when responsibility for their activity lay with the 4th Department of the NKGB. It is specifically interesting that the preserved material shows also the actual attitude of the Soviet authorities towards the Polish military Underground (both communist and pro–independence). Such documents unquestionably allow us to confront and supplement our state of knowledge about the scale of the sabotage and the methods deployed by the Soviet special services in occupied Poland during the Second World War.
- The article describes the process of the reconstruction and protection of the Polish minority and Polish heritage in Lviv after 1991. This process is presented in the context of Polish-Ukrainian relations. The author indicates the most important actors in this process, focusing on presenting this phenomenon in spatial terms. Next, he describes achievements and possibilities for further development, in addition to the causes and effects of the phenomenon.
- The article discusses Anna Maria Cienciała (d. 2014), professor at the universities of Montreal and Kansas City, an outstanding Polish historian working in the USA, and without doubt one of the prominent historians of twentieth–century diplomacy. First and foremost, Professor Cienciała was the author of the fundamental monograph: Poland and the Western Powers 1938–1939 (1968), which she gave the subtitle: Study in the Interdependence of Eastern and Western Europe. She was also the editor of the reminiscences of Józef Beck about his mission in 1932–1939, and published several score valuable articles and studies about international politics in the first half of the twentieth century. For many years Professor Cienciała studied Polish inter–war foreign policy and indubitably created its highly convincing interpretation. In doing so she defended the validity of the balance policy and was of the opinion that the Polish–German agreement of 26 January 1934 served the interests of Poland. Furthermore, she maintained that the “collective security” mission was an illusion and supported the correctness of the decision made by Minister Józef Beck regarding the ultimatum addressed to Czechoslovakia on 30 September 1938. Rightly opposing the views of Western historians proclaiming the need for Polish–Soviet cooperation, Professor Cienciała declared that in 1939 there were no real chances for the inclusion of the Soviet Union into an anti–German coalition. She arrived at important findings while interpreting British policy as based on a thesis assuming the existence of special spheres of British interests on the Continent (the Mediterranean Sea basin and the frontier along the Rhine). Professor Cienciała perceived Polish policies in 1939 as devoid of a political alternative: the acceptance of German territorial demands resulted in the status of a vassal of the Great Reich and obtaining Soviet aid was impossible. Polish diplomacy was also incapable of gaining the immediate active assistance of the Western Powers in a defensive war against Germany.
- The article discusses how the authors of sixteenth-century Polish Catholic and Evangelical catechisms perceived and analysed the notion of “the Church”. Following the Tridentine programme, the Catholic authors present their Church as unified under the Pope’s authority and the only inheritor of the works of the Apostles. The veracity of its teaching is testified to with God’s unnatural interventions – miracles. Protestant theologians teach about “the visible and outward Church”, which exists whenever the pure Word of God is preached and where sacraments are administered in accordance with the Holy Writ. Alongside the Visible Church, there exists “the invisible and inward Church” that unites all those following Christ, who is the one and only head of the Church.
- The article discusses rumours recorded by the German Security Service [Sicherheitsdienst, SD] in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between 1 January and 10 April 1943. The author pursues quantitative and qualitative analysis and discusses rumours shared by Czech and German inhabitants of the country. The analysis results indicate that early 1943 saw a real crisis of confidence in the state and the Nazi regime among Germans living in the Protectorate. The Czech public opinion had likely reached a turning point, still highly afraid of German repressions, but also with a growing hope for the defeat of the Reich and a swift end to the war. <br>
- The article discusses the book Die Geburt des russländischen Imperiums by Ricarda Vulpius, a publication that tracks the emergence of the conceptual background for governing the growing Russian Empire in the eighteenth century, when territorial gains rendered the country increasingly multinational, multi-faith and multicultural. In this paper, the book was treated as an inspiration for examining the relationship between the practices employed by Russia on newly acquired territories in the east and south of Asia, described by Vulpius in the book, and the Russian Empire’s policy towards Poland.
- The article discusses the circumstances of the assassination of King Alexander I of Yugoslavia in October 1934 in Marseilles, France. On the basis of establishments, an analysis was made of the course of events associated with the assassination of King Alexander, including the political context of the crime, its direct reasons and also its first consequences for both Yugoslavia and the international arena.
- The article discusses the complex situation of Warsaw Yiddish press during the German occupation of Warsaw (1915–18), entangled in contacts with both the official German authorities as well as representatives of German Jewish milieus (namely, Zionist and Orthodox ones). It is based on press reports from Yiddish and German-Jewish newspapers, archival sources and some personal memoirs. The newspapers taken into account are "Haynt, Der Moment", as well as the Germanoriented "Varshaver Tageblat" and "Dos Yudishe Vort".
- The article discusses the current practices of commemorating the 1905 revolution in Łódź. The changes taking place in the city’s memory policy are conditioned both by the loss of memory of the events from a century ago and by changing political factors in the post-transformation period. The city is a paradigmatic example of a post-industrial city in Central and Eastern Europe facing an identity crisis. Narratives formulated ‘from above’ compete with those created ‘from below’. While the former are based on the construction of a utopian, capitalist city of success, the latter claim the history of the people of Łódź. Revitalising the memory of the Revolution of 1905 plays a key role in these negotiations, contributing to a revision of the post-transformation amnesia about the city’s working-class past
- The article discusses the hitherto unknown correspondence between the Danzig (present-day Gdańsk) botanist Jacob Breyne, his son Johann Philipp Breyne, and James Petiver in the last decade of the seventeenth century. Their correspondence documents contacts between one of the most important naturalists of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the second half of the seventeenth century and members of the Royal Society. The content of the letters reveals how books, naturalia and various artefacts circulated between Western and East-Central Europe. It also reveals the principles of reciprocity and friendship followed by those who conducted inquiries into natural history.
- The article discusses the image of the German and Austro-Hungarian intervention in Ukraine in 1918 in Ukrainian memoirs. While these works generally describe the policies of the Central Powers toward Ukraine as imperialist and dictated by the military and economic interests of the two states, only the most radical leftist writers fail to appreciate the role German and Austrian troops played in the removal of Bolshevik forces from Ukraine. Common and individual portraits of the military and political apparatus of the intervention forces differ depending on the political position of the writer. Those who viewed the repressive policies toward rural Ukraine from the perspective of the elites of Kiev discuss them only in abstract terms. In general, Austro-Hungary’s part in the intervention is described in less favourable terms than that of Germany.
- The article discusses the latest trends in research on women’s history in Poland. Attention is drawn to the increasing number of biographies, and an attempt is made to answer the question of whether and in what direction this type of writing is changing our perception of women’s roles in Polish history. The article discusses the autobiographical literature written by women, whose publications reflect a growing interest in individual history and are a response to the demand to give a voice to previously unheard groups. It raises questions about the role of memoirs in describing past societies and gender order. The role of oral history methods in gaining insight into the past of women and society is also discussed. <br>
- The article discusses the memoirs of Moses Vasertsug (c. 1760–1832) – an extremely interesting historical source, brilliantly demonstrating processes and phenomena in Jewish society at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Vasertsug received a traditional religious education and performed related functions in Jewish communities, first in Pomerania (Karlino, Gryfino), and later in Greater Poland (Kórnik) and Mazovia (Płock). He continued to do so in the post-partition period, but the functions he performed took on a new, quasi-official character. The memoirs show the transformation of the previous occupations performed by the Jews, as well as the new opportunities for settlement and economic activity that opened up for them during the post-partition period. The memoirs also show that Jewish autobiographical writing is not necessarily the result of acculturation and departure from Jewish tradition. <br>
- The article discusses the participation of Italians in the town council and the judicial bench being local government authorities of the city of Cracow in the early modern period. As many as seventy-four Italians (this standing for 14 per cent of all the councillors and 8 per cent assessors or lay judges) are identifiable for the period in question; nineteen of them concluded their careers with the office of assessors, never getting ranked to councillor. While most of them were merchants by profession, as many as five councillors held a doctor’s degree. Italians were the most influential ethnic group in the council in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the former half of the eighteenth, when in certain years the council-in-office, elected annually and consisting of eight members, featured as many as four Italians at the same time. Similarly, a considerable share of Italians in the judicial bench (almost 50 per cent) is observed for the first half of the eighteenth century; the detailed statistics is featured in the tables appended. Over 20 per cent of the families that accepted the municipal law in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries obtained at least one of these offices. The share of Italians in Cracow’s local-government administration at that time, incommensurate with the actual size of local Italian population, is explainable by their larger interest in pursuing municipal career opportunities. In the medieval period, and even under the reign of Queen Bona Sforza, a number of Italians demonstrated different economic strategies. They satisfied themselves with the royal privilege of servitoriate, counted on fast moneymaking and expected to return home sooner or later. In the later years, most of the Cracow-based Italians were well assimilated and preferred to settle down in the city.
